Scholarly Publications - International Relations

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/11693/115500

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Open Access
A different approach on analyzing countries’ grand strategies: China and the United States
(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2025-09-18) Kılıç, Çağla
This article aims to examine the grand strategies of two leaders in a more rigorous manner by using a comprehensive and well-established role theoretic framework. It is argued that role theory offers a theoretical foundation for comprehending the structure of grand strategy through the lens of roles, enabling the measurement of changes in its composition over time. This framework provides a comprehensive response to the persistent problems and challenges highlighted by scholars in the field of grand strategy, as well as the enduring issues present within the existing literature. The absence of role contestation within the inner circle of government lends grand strategies their characteristic longevity. This article contends that this framework can also serve as a robust metric for understanding grand strategies in the most rigorous manner possible. Consequently, roles facilitate the differentiation of long-term policies from short-term policies by deciphering the horizontal role contestation process. This approach thus resolves outstanding theoretical and measurement issues within the field of grand strategy analysis. This study will employ a sample of two countries—China, and the United States—chosen for their distinct regime types and extensive scholarly attention in the field of grand strategy.
Open Access
Redefining (in-)security in cybersecurity: an intersectional lens
(Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 2025-01-01) Mhajne, Anwar; Whetstone, Crystal; Joachim, Jutta; Kronsell, Annica; Dalmer, Natalia
This chapter disrupts cybersecurity's significance singularly as a linchpin of national security, with concerns limited to the military, private sector, and critical infrastructures. Instead, our work emphasizes that the cyber realm is a civilian space that human rights should govern. Working within feminist security studies, our scholarship troubles the militarization of cyberspace and emphasizes the need for feminist and intersectional analysis in cybersecurity studies. In this chapter, we overview our research driven by a shared conviction that a feminist and intersectional lens is indispensable for expanding our comprehension of security and insecurity in the digital sphere. By foregrounding the experiences of those at the margins, we reshape the scholarly and policy conversations to contribute to a more equitable and secure cyber landscape by developing feminist cybersecurity. Our work bridges the gap between cybersecurity and the human element, emphasizing the imperative of safeguarding not just systems but the lives and dignity of those in the virtual world. We suggest that cybersecurity debates be reframed to center human experiences to advocate for protecting marginalized communities from online abuse, regardless of their geographic location.
Open Access
2024 Susan K Sell best reviewer award
(Routledge, 2025-04-14) Elias, Juanita; Hozić, Aida A.; Johnston, Alison; Köstem, Seçkin; Moschella, Manuela; Ponte, Stefano; Wang, Hongying; Young, Kevin L.
Open Access
Turkey’s quest for assertive foreign policy roles: The elite vs. the audience
(Routledge, 2025-08-22) Özdamar, Özgür; Artıkoğlu, Laçin
Following the Arab uprisings, Turkey’s foreign relations vis-a-vis the MENA region appeared to be contentious, and the foreign policy roles employed were exceedingly assertive. From 2020 onwards, however, the Turkish government gradually shifted these role orientations. Drawing on role conflict and role contestation literature and using an original time-series dataset on public opinion, we argue that international powers rejected Turkey’s assertive foreign policy roles, and the Turkish public’s dissatisfaction with these roles led to master-auxiliary role conflict. This article concludes that the Turkish government aimed to address public dissatisfaction regarding the country’s foreign policy by modifying assertive foreign policy roles.
Open Access
Unilateral withdrawals from multilateral international treaties, 1945–2024
(Brill Academic Publishers, 2025-05-13) Bayar, Tuğba; Bayar, Murat
Unilateral withdrawals from multilateral international treaties (MIT s) constitute a substantial state behavior that offers insights into interstate cooperation and dynamics of treaty regimes. While much attention has been given to state withdrawals from intergovernmental organizations (IO s), relatively recent high-profile exits, such as the US withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Deal and Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, bring unilateral state withdrawals from MIT s to the forefront of scholarly and political debates. This paper contributes to the literature by presenting an original dataset that involves 945 unilateral withdrawals from 206 multilateral treaties from 1945 to 2024, investigating withdrawal reasons and issue areas. The dataset and descriptive analysis offer insights into withdrawal patterns.
Embargo
The role of intelligence in countering the PKK
(CRC Press, 2025-10-25) Demir, Cenker Korhan; Dumankaya, Elif Merve
This chapter casts light on the role of Türkiye’s National Intelligence Agency (MİT) in countering the PKK terrorist organization. Throughout the four decades of countering the organization, the involvement of various institutions within Türkiye’s security bureaucracy has been vital for intelligence cooperation to tackle the PKK threat. As the agency responsible for coordinating intelligence operations both domestically and abroad, MİT has played a crucial role in this effort, driven by structural evolution and enhanced capabilities. This chapter examines the role of intelligence in counter-terrorism, focusing on MİT’s approach to the PKK over the past 40 years. It analyzes both conciliatory and hard-line approaches adopted at different periods. The findings indicate that MİT has taken a proactive stance in addressing the PKK threat, operating across national and international spheres to counter the organization’s activities effectively.
Open Access
All Azimuth debate: gradual reform or revolution? pathways to global IR
(İhsan Doğramacı Barış Vakfı, 2025-07-02) Zarakol, Ayşe; Aydınlı, Ersel
This forum article is based on the All Azimuth Debate held at Bilkent University on 3 October 2024. The event was organized by the Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research in cooperation with Bilkent University’s Department of International Relations. The debate was moderated by Dr. Seçkin Köstem. The forum article demonstrates the scholarly exchange between Dr. Ayşe Zarakol and Dr. Ersel Aydınlı based on the answers that they gave to Dr. Seçkin Köstem’s questions on Global International Relations (IR). This forum article features two leading scholars’ perspectives regarding the definition of Global IR, the main actors and venues for Global IR, the role of English language as the dominant academic language, the essentialism/parochialism trap and pathways for a stronger global representation for the discipline of IR.
Open Access
RIPE 2025 diversity statement
(Routledge, 2026-02-16) Elias, J.; Hozić, A. A.; Johnston, A.; Köstem, Seçkin; Moschella, M.; Ponte, S.; Wang, H.; Young, K. L.
Since 2021 the 𝘙𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘦𝘸 𝘰𝘧 𝘐𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘭 𝘌𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘮𝘺 (RIPE) has published annual diversity statements providing information about RIPE’s editorial team and contributors (see Bair et al., 2021). Below we detail the composition of our editorial board and international advisory board, as well as the composition of our contributors and submitting authors for 2025 by gender and location of institution. Like in 2024, the journal has achieved gender parity in its publications in 2025, with slightly over 50% of published articles having at least one female author. The journal has seen a slight drop in the number of articles with authors outside the Anglo-5 (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US) and EU27/EFTA countries (in 2025, 19% of manuscripts published by the journal had authors based in institutions outside these countries, while in 2024 this share was 25%).
Open Access
Forum: fostering cooperation in conflict research beyond borders
(Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, 2025-07-02) Tokdemir, Efe; Kalin, Ilker; Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher; Aksoy, Deniz; Carter, David B.; Loyle, Cyanne E.; Akcinaroglu, Seden; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede
In this forum article, we examine the state of the field of Peace and Conflict Studies in providing a platform to incorporate local knowledge to generate global insights. Many scholars in peace and conflict studies have traditionally relied on cross-national empirical analyses to investigate conflict dynamics, which can present opportunities for increased level of collaboration, methodological advancement, and interdisciplinary works. Whereas Western-oriented institutions and approaches serve as the locomotive of the production in the field, the vast majority of their data locates in non-Western contexts with diverse cultural, political, social, linguistic, and economic settings. Hence, the overarching theme of this forum emphasizes the benefits of an empirically-driven, methodologically rigorous research agenda that strongly incorporates local knowledge. We offer a platform to discuss the limits and prospects of Global North- South cooperation, the challenges of gathering dependable data, and the ways to overcome these issues while maintaining academic integrity and deepening our understanding of conflict dynamics. We believe that sustained investment in collaborative partnerships and capacity-building initiatives will be critical for unlocking the full potential of local expertise and insights in advancing knowledge-production and fostering peace and stability in conflict-affected areas.
Open Access
An intersectional feminist critique of cyberlibertarian’s grip on the construction of online freedom
(Oxford University Press, 2025-08-11) Whetstone, Crystal; Luna, K. C.
The impacts of online hate speech include emotional and embodied harms that have sometimes stunted careers, resulted in lost wages and missed job opportunities, and damaged relationships (both personal and professional). Despite the real-world negative impacts of digital hate speech, many resist regulations that would mitigate these harms. What is behind the anti-regulatory stance against preventative measures to reduce online hate speech? We argue that similar to the “there is no alternative” to neoliberalism argument, which demonizes regulation and pushes traditionalism, the gendered construction of cyberlibertarianism presents online freedom as the only game in town, at least when it comes to online hate. We adapt Horton’s three-part framework of neoliberal masculinities to stress the role of gender in constructing various understandings of cyberlibertarianism. Through an intersectional feminist critique of cyberlibertarianism rooted in cyberfeminism and a critical feminist cybersecurity construction of online freedom, this paper adds to feminist cybersecurity and cyberfeminism by demonstrating how such approaches can counter cyberlibertarianism. Parmi les conséquences des discours de haine sur Internet figurent des blessures émotionnelles et incarnées qui ont parfois retardé des carrières, entraîné une perte de revenus ou des opportunités professionnelles manquées, et endommagé des relations (personnelles ou professionnelles). Malgré les incidences négatives dans le monde réel du discours de haine sur Internet, nombreux sont ceux qui se montrent réticents aux réglementations qui atténueraient ces dommages. Qu'est-ce qui se cache derrière la posture antiréglementation qui s'oppose aux mesures préventives visant à réduire les discours de haine sur Internet ? Nous affirmons qu’à l'instar de l'argument « il n'existe pas d'alternative au néolibéralisme », qui diabolise la réglementation et défend le traditionalisme, la construction genrée du cyberlibertarianisme présente la liberté sur la toile comme la seule possibilité, tout du moins quand il s'agit de haine sur Internet. Nous adaptons le cadre en trois parties des masculinités néolibérales de Lynn Horton pour souligner le rôle du genre dans la construction de diverses conceptions du cyberlibertarianisme. Au moyen d'une critique féministe intersectionnelle du cyberlibertarianisme ancrée dans le cyberféminisme et une construction de cybersécurité féministe critique de la liberté sur la toile, cet article enrichit la cybersécurité féministe et le cyberféminisme en démontrant comment ces approches peuvent contrer le cyberlibertarianisme. Los impactos que generan los discursos de odio en línea incluyen daños emocionales y personificados que, a veces, han obstaculizado carreras, han provocado la pérdida de salarios y oportunidades laborales y han provocado daños en relaciones (tanto personales como profesionales). A pesar de los impactos negativos que han provocado estos discursos de odio digitales en el mundo real, aún existen muchas personas que se resisten a las regulaciones que contribuirían a mitigar estos daños. ¿Qué hay detrás de estas posturas antirregulatorias contra las medidas preventivas para reducir el discurso de odio en línea? Argumentamos que, al igual que sucede con el argumento de «no hay alternativa» al neoliberalismo, que demoniza la regulación e impulsa el tradicionalismo, la construcción de género del ciberlibertarismo presenta la libertad en línea como la única opción posible, al menos en lo referente al odio en línea. Adaptamos el marco de tres partes de las masculinidades neoliberales de Horton con el fin de enfatizar el papel que juega el género sobre la construcción de diversas comprensiones del ciberlibertarismo. A través de una crítica feminista interseccional del ciberlibertarismo arraigada en el ciberfeminismo y de una construcción feminista crítica de la libertad en línea, este artículo realiza una contribución a la ciberseguridad feminista y al ciberfeminismo ya que demuestra cómo dichos enfoques pueden contrarrestar el ciberlibertarismo.
Open Access
Battle of sects? Iran and Saudi Arabia’s role conflict
(American Political Science Association, 2025-09-01) RezaeeDaryakenari, Babak; Özdamar, Özgür; Akbaba, Yasemin
How do secular and religious national role conceptions (NRCs) influence interstate rivalry? To explore this, we examine the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, two theocratic states. Drawing on scholarship that integrates power politics and religion, we examine how instrumental motivations shape religion-based policymaking. Using semantic network and regression analyses on data from eight official Twitter/X accounts of Iranian and Saudi foreign policy officials (2015–2021), we find that both states’ officials strategically use secular and religious NRCs in response to foreign policy roles adopted by their rival. Our findings underscore the coexistence of these NRCs and their selective application in managing rivalry. Methodologically, the study contributes to foreign policy analysis research by employing quantitative semantic analysis of social media data. It also offers a novel lens for understanding Iran-Saudi competition and the broader intersection of religion and foreign policy.
Open Access
Eurocentrism
(Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 2025-03-13) Bilgin, Pınar
Eurocentrism is a term developed in critique of a culturalist understanding of how the world works and the central place adhered to 'Europe' in this understanding. Three forms of Eurocentrism circulate in the study of world politics: normative, analytical and epistemic. None of these three forms is reducible to the postal-code of scholars or institutions. The 'Europe' of Eurocentrism is a location not on a physical map but on a mental map and includes Western Europe and North America. One of the most contentious issues surrounding Eurocentrism in the study of world politics is regarding how to overcome it, while avoiding 'Anti-Eurocentric Eurocentrism'. Furthermore, students of International Relations do not typically worry about Eurocentrism if their studies focus on 'Europe' alone; whereas, in so far as we fail to capture how 'Europe' has evolved in constitutive relations with 'non-Europe', our understanding of 'Europe' also suffers.
Open Access
Where is the anchor? explaining the endurance of the American-Turkish partnership, 1927-2024
(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, 2025-01-28) Erpul, Onur; Kirişci, Kemal
Once considered a model partnership, the American-Turkish relationship now elicits ambivalence among scholars and policymakers, calling into question the fundamental interests and assumptions that once undergirded the relationship. Critics attribute the negative trends in the relationship to geostrategic and value-based incompatibilities, but relatively few have examined both factors longitudinally across the entire relationship. This paper does not aim to provide a grand theory of American-Turkish relations. Instead, its goal is to develop a framework illustrating the vital role that strategic, ideational, and domestic political factors have played in shaping macro-level outcomes in the partnership’s cohesion at various junctures. Overall, our paper identifies the positive role of foreign policy bureaucratic elites on both sides acting as an "invisible hand" providing an anchor for the relationship even in the absence of other commonalities. Yet, we also observe the weakening of this hand in recent times as both countries become domestically transformed.
Open Access
Masha Kirasirova. The Eastern International: Arabs, Central Asians, and Jews in the Soviet Union’s Anticolonial Empire (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2024). 412 pages. $110 cloth. ISBN 9780197685693. Also paper ($29.99).
(Middle East Studies Association of North America, Inc., 2025-08-12) Hirst, Samuel John
Open Access
2024 Timothy Sinclair best article award
(Routledge, 2025-04-14) Elias, Juanita; Hozić, Aida A.; Johnston, Alison; Köstem, Seçkin; Moschella, Manuela; Ponte, Stefano; Wang, Hongying; Young, Kevin L.
Open Access
A poliheuristic analysis of the Euphrates Shield operation in Syria: towards an extended framework
(Taylor & Francis, 2025-09-26) Küçükmeral, Muhammet Furkan
During the Kilis bombings in early 2016, Turkey appeared inactive in its response. Yet only months later, the government launched a full-fledged military operation in Syria. What changes enabled this shift remain a key research question. This article employs the poliheuristic (PH) decision-making model to analyze both cases and uncover the reasons behind this dramatic change in foreign policy behaviour. It argues, however, that the PH model falls short due to a persistent gap between academic approaches and policymaker perspectives. To address this, the article proposes a methodological contribution through triangulation. It constructs decision matrices for President Erdoğan in both cases and applies an inter-coder reliability test to assess their robustness. Finally, it introduces the elite interview method as a complementary addition. This integrated approach provides a more comprehensive framework for analyzing foreign policy decisions and offers a pilot study that opens space for future methodological debate and further research.
Open Access
Diplomacy
(Routledge, 2025-09-30) Criss, Nur Bilge; Uyar, Mesut; Erickson, Edward J.
This essay highlights the salient foreign policy issues on the centenary of the Republic of Turkey: its major principles, national security concerns and the evolution of diplomatic affairs from 1923 to 2023. Following the promulgation of the Republic in 1923 after concluding peace at the Lausanne Conference, Ankara began peacebuilding with former adversaries. Turkey also asserted its immediate national interests by diplomatically reversing the status of the Turkish Straits in the Montreaux Convention of 1936. By 1938, the strategic province of Hatay joined Turkey in what was considered peaceful change. Turkey remained actively neutral during the Second World War, but it was due to its underdevelopment of infrastructure that kept Nazi Germany from attacking it toward the desired route to Iraq; the Luftwaffe could not refuel in air at the time. Post-WWII Turkey chose to join the Western camp and became a member of NATO in 1952 with all the ups and downs the Cold War alliance accompanied. The aftermath of the 1990s witnessed the enlargement of Ankara’s diplomatic relations, followed by expanding trade and diplomacy alike. Coupled with a peculiar regime change to a presidential system in the 21st century and precarious times in world affairs, interim conclusions look grim.
Open Access
To punish or to reward? the effect of sanction threats on public opinion
(Routledge, 2025-06-16) Cılızoğlu, Meneviş; Tokdemir, Efe; Zarplı, Ömer
How do individuals respond to the threat of economic sanctions? Under what conditions do the target population demand policy concessions, and when do they rally behind their beleaguered leader? We investigate these questions through a survey experiment conducted in Türkiye in April 2021 with 2,522 participants. Our study examines the impact of three key factors on sanction threat effectiveness: the perceived credibility of sanctions imposition, the expected economic costs, and the anticipated benefits of compliance. Contrary to our expectations, we find little evidence that these factors enhance the effectiveness of sanction threats. Neither the prospect of economic hardship nor the promise of rewards significantly increases public support for concessions. Instead, our findings suggest that sanctions, particularly when paired with positive inducements, can provoke a backlash among certain groups, especially government supporters. These results highlight the limitations of sanction threats in societies with deeply held partisan identities.
Open Access
Legal and military reforms: secularism and strategic thought from the empire to republican Turkey
(Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2025-09-09) Karaosmanoğlu, Ali L.
This book bridges historical analysis and strategic studies to explore the complex interplay between legal reform, secularization, and military strategy in both the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. Beyond institutional transformation, it critically examines the enduring relationship between the Ottomans/Turks and Europe/the West. Rejecting binary frameworks, the book challenges conventional narratives that position the Ottoman Empire and Turkey outside of European history and identity. It argues instead that the Ottomans were inherently and continuously European. This work is intended for academics, policymakers, and general readers interested in Middle Eastern and Turkish history, civil-military relations, military strategy, legal and political reform, geopolitics, international relations, and the philosophy of history and modernity.
Open Access
Crises of European integration: joining together or falling apart?
(Routledge, 2025-06-03) Sefer, Özlem