Browsing by Subject "Israel"

Now showing 1 - 12 of 12

Open Access
The changing dynamics of Turkey-Israel relations: a structural realist account
(Routledge, 2010-07) Oğuzlu, T.
This article tries to examine the changing dynamics of Turkey's relations with Israel in recent years from a structural realist point of view. The main argument is that both the establishment of strong strategic relations during the 1990s and the growing tension in recent years could be convincingly analysed through a structural realist perspective that mainly values systemic and exogenous factors in explanation of states' foreign policy preferences and behaviours. The major goal is to complement domestic and identity-related factors with structural ones in order to have a better understanding of the changing nature of bilateral relations over the last decade.
Open Access
Citizenship, minorities and immigrants : a comparison of Turkey's Jewish minority and Turkish-Jewish immigrants in Israel
(2004) Toktaş, Şule
This study investigated the legal status, identity and civic virtue aspects of citizenship and the interaction between them on the layers of international migration and minority issues with use of a comparative case. A research on the perceptions and experiences of Turkey’s Jewish minority and Turkish-Jewish immigrants in Israel regarding citizenship was conducted. The field research which was carried out in both countries - Turkey and Israel - consisted of key informant interviews, participant observation in commimity institutions and in- depth interviews with a total of 65 respondents from the sample group. The results were analyzed using qualitative data analysis technique. On the layer of minority, research results illustrated that in a society where the population is overwhelmingly Muslim, being a non-Muslim minority played roles in: a) the appropriation of the monist and universal conceptualization of citizenship in the legal status aspect; b) the endeavor to maintain Jewish identity despite the inevitable consequences of integration and assimilation in the identity aspect; and c) the discrepancy between values and actions in the civic virtue aspect. On the layer of international migration, the research pointed out that despite long years of residence in Israel, first generation of Turkish-Jewish immigrants in Israel preseryed their political culture that they cultivated when they were in Turkey. However, experience of international migration as a process seemed to impact on citizenship and played roles in; a) the appropriation of democratic norms defined by majoritarian terms in the legal status aspect; b) efforts to maintain their Turkish identity in the identity aspect; and c) the preference for complying with the general norms of Jewish-Israeli society and conversely excluding a proactive understanding of virtuous citizenship.
Open Access
Clash of interest over northern Iraq drives Turkish-Israeli alliance to a crossroads
(Middle East Institute, 2005) Kibaroglu, M.
Turkey and Israel enjoyed an almost perfect relationship throughout the 1990s that amazed their friends, yet bothered their rivals. The US war in Iraq revealed, however, that the two longstanding allies did indeed have contradictory objectives and concerns with respect to the future restructuring of Iraq. While Turkey fears the emergence of an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq, the same possibility seems favorable for Israel from its security standpoint, vis-à-vis threats posed by countries like Iran, Pakistan, and beyond. It appears that the "amazing alliance" is heading toward a crossroads. Such an eventuality may change the nature of the relationship from a "win-win" to a "lose-lose" situation unless proper steps are rapidly taken with a view toward rebuilding confidence on both sides.
Open Access
Cognitive and emotional representations of terror attacks: a cross-cultural exploration
(Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2007) Shiloh, S.; Güvenç, G.; Önkal D.
A questionnaire measuring cognitive and affective representations of terror risk was developed and tested in Turkey and Israel. Participants in the study were university students from the two countries (n = 351). Four equivalent factors explained terror risk cognitions in each sample: costs, vulnerability, trust, and control. A single negative emotionality factor explained the affective component of terror risk representations in both samples. All factors except control could be measured reliably. Results supported the validity of the questionnaire by showing expected associations between cognitions and emotions, as well as indicating gender differences and cultural variations. Current findings are discussed in relation to previous results, theoretical approaches, and practical implications.
Open Access
Countering state-supported terrorism : the PKK and Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East
(2003) Selvi, İsmail
his thesis analyzes the support provided to the PKK by Syria and Iran, and attempts to determine its impact on Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East. Some states have adopted supporting terrorist groups as a means to further foreign policy, even to the extent of pursuing an undeclared warfare against rival countries. Similarly, Syria and Iran have supported and encouraged the PKK hoping that they could gain advantage over issues involving Turkey. In the post-Cold War era, separatist PKK terrorism grew to be the primary threat to the security and territorial integrity of Turkey. Realizing that her low-profile attitude in the region failed to deter the foreign support to the PKK by her southern neighbors, Turkey revised her traditional policies in the Middle East. Consequently, Turkey was forced to pursue more assertive policies in the region, which made her an active actor of the Middle East sub-system despite her Western identity.
Open Access
A game theoretic analysis of the strategic options available for Israel in response to Iran's nuclear program
(2014) Yazıcı, Emir
Israel is the most concerned actor about Iran’s nuclear program due to its geographical position and fragile relations with Iran. Thus, Israel’s stance towards Iran’s nuclear program is particularly important in the nuclear crisis between Iran and the West. This thesis evaluates the four possible strategic options available for Israel in response to Iran’s nuclear program: controlling strategy, deterrence strategy, reassurance strategy, and combination of deterrence and reassurance strategies. Through a game theoretic approach, it is aimed to answer the questions thatwhat are the advantages and limitations of these strategies and which one would be the best option for Israel. Moreover, the underlying dynamics of each strategic option and their influence on the players’ choices are also presented through the extensive form game models. As a response to questions mentioned above, this thesis argues that instead of a pure deterrence, controlling, or reassurance strategy, combination of reassurance and deterrence strategies would promise better outcomes for Israel.
Open Access
Geopolitical discourse matters : Turkey and Israel
(2004) Eliş, Berivan
In this thesis it is argued that geopolitical discourse matters in shaping the practices of foreign policy. The perspective of Critical Geopolitics approach is adopted as the theoretical framework and in conformity with this framework; this study focuses on the geopolitical discourse of the political elites. With reference to the geopolitical discourses of the political elites in Israel and Turkey, it is discussed that geopolitical discourse makes certain foreign policy options possible while marginalizing some others. Firstly, the main components of the geopolitical discourses in those countries, which are ‘exceptionalism’, ‘Jewishness’, ‘security’ in Israel and ‘geographical determinism’ and ‘ Westernness/Europeanness’ in Turkey’, are identified. Then, the case of Oslo Peace Accords and the case of Turkey-EU relations are used in order to illustrate how different framings of these components matter in terms of foreign policy practices.
Open Access
“Inside outsiders:” comparing state policies towards citizens of Palestinian and Kurdish descent in Israel and Turkey
(2021-10) Elitsoy, Zeliha Aslı
Israel and Turkey have been regarded as ethnically divided societies where ethnicity represented a fundamental political cleavage between a national majority and ethnic minority. The formation of Israeli and Turkish nation-states simultaneously led to the “minoritization” of those Palestinians and Kurds who constituted the biggest ethnic and linguistic minority by a wide margin in their respective countries. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies visà- vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. Although the two countries applied different methods of ethnic diversity management, they have converged in maintaining exclusive state identities, Jewish and Turkish, and excluded their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities from political and economic power. Especially in recent decades, both states have been challenged by their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities seeking equal treatment with the Jewish and Turkish majority. Minority demands share common elements: the recognition of their status as a national minority entitled to collective rights and effective inclusion into the political system. However, awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty dilution fears in Israel and Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of trans-national community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into “inside outsiders.”
Open Access
Jewish settlements: Another name for occupation
(Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırma Kurumu, 2011) Dinçer, Osman Bahadır; Coşkun, G.
Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been one of the main issues of the Middle Eastern political agenda. The Israeli-Palestinian issue is a complex matter as it comprises of many disputed issues. The status of Jerusalem, condition of the Palestinian refugees, and Jewish settlements problems as well as many other disagreements pose an obstacle against the Peace Process which is of vital importance for the stability of the Middle East. Each of these issues needs special attention in the path going through to the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process. Jewish Settlements stands as one of the main handicaps against an agreement between Israel and Palestine. 1967 onwards, Israeli state keeps on constructing settlements in the occupied territories and even expand its borders via this policy. In this regard, the settlement issue is more than being just a barrier to peace but a key to success in the peace negotiations in case of its resolution. However, despite the both parties to the dispute are aware of this, Israel does not seem so willing to give up settlement policy. Although it declares settlement freeze decisions from time to time, nonstop construction of outposts continues. The article, in this respect, aims to provide a historical overview of the Jewish settlements policy and its impacts on the Palestinian and Peace Process
Open Access
Soldiers in legitimate politics: the Israeli case
(2021-07) Aksoy, Kaan
Why do officers enter politics after retiring from service, and how do they choose which political party to join? This thesis addresses these questions by looking at the Israeli case. Israel is an atypical case in this regard due to the large ratio of retired generals entering politics compared to other advanced industrialised countries. The answers to these questions are explored through a two-pronged method. First, an historical institutionalist perspective is employed, by looking at the institutional evolution of the Israeli state to see what practices were entrenched as institutions. Second, a pool of 84 generals from various positions was collected and coded by their dates of service and entry into politics, as well as which parties they were in. This was combined by data from the Manifesto Project on the 24 different political parties they entered. As a result of this analysis, it was found that retired generals prefer, overwhelmingly, secularist parties. A plurality just short of a majority prefers left-wing, Labour Zionist parties, while the remaining portion is almost equally divided between centrist/liberal parties and right-wing parties. With the data at hand, it is concluded that the generals prioritise security issues, though economic issues may also play a crucial role. Overall, the findings indicate that retired Israeli generals enter politics to preserve the IDF’s privileged space in Israeli society and economy, under the sense that the IDF’s position is necessary for Israel’s long-term prosperity. In doing so, this thesis aims to contribute to the field of civil-military relations and more specifically, applying theories of motivation for entering politics to the Israeli case.
Open Access
The space of permanent and state-level exceptional security measures: formative years of Israel and Turkey
(Sage Publications Ltd., 2024-06-12) Türkoğlu, Burcu; Elitsoy, Z. Asli
Studies examining the spatial patterns of exceptional security measures focus on constructed spaces or national territories exposed to international military intervention. Contemporary literature defines these spaces as zones of lawlessness where the exception prevails. By examining the security policies in the historical homelands of the Palestinians in Israel and the Kurds in Turkey, this article shows how exceptional security and the law co-constitute each other. Through a comparative historical analysis of the formative years of the Israeli and Turkish states, we argue that permanent exceptional security measures in territories inhabited by minority citizens are relevant to the political context in which the constituent power frames the political characteristics of the nation. In the process, exceptional security measures coexisting with the law become instrumental in maintaining and reproducing the distinction between the ‘legitimate members’ of the nation and the ‘enemies’ of the nation/state. The coexistence of exceptional security measures with the legal system challenges the conventional understanding of the exception and its dichotomous relationship with the norm, as outlined by Schmitt and Agamben. Instead, the conceptual framework of ‘legal violence,’ as articulated by Benjamin, offers a more comprehensive perspective for understanding the early years of the Israeli and Turkish states.
Open Access
The Turkey-US-Israel triangle : 1991-2001
(2003) Cırık, H. Kayıhan
During the Cold War, Turkey’s main focus was on the perceived Soviet threat from the north. Turkey became one of the countries most deeply affected by the end of the Cold War. In the 1990s, Turkey pursued an activist foreign policy course, which was encouraged by a variety of factors. Especially the Middle East has become the region that Turkey's active and assertive foreign policy practices are most profoundly seen. Turkey’s full backing for U.S. efforts in the Gulf War and building of close ties with Israel in this new era were outcomes of this assertive foreign policy course. The United States mostly realized the great importance of Turkey and its diverse strategic roles in the post-Cold War period. Although the two countries had different approaches and conflicting interests on some issues, where the Middle East became the region on which the most conflicting views came out, Turkey and the U.S. were mostly harmonious on various subjects. Developing close relations with Israel was among the major foreign policy orientations of Turkey. Both countries have benefited from this rapprochement and even they had some different approaches to some matters, positive outcomes of this strategic partnership have been more prominent. The triangular relationship between Turkey, the United States, and Israel had positive effects on the region and has been a very important force for maintaining peace and stability in the Middle East for a while. But one must keep in mind that it is not enough to assume that close ties in the past will assure smooth relations in the future. Strategic relations mean sharing plans, but this did not turn out to be the case for the triangular relationship in the long-run.