Browsing by Subject "Iran"

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1979 İran İslam Devrimi sonrası Şehriyar Şems’in Türkiye’ye göç hikayesi
(Bilkent University, 2021) Orhun, Hasan Bartu; Karabük, Seda Nur; Kabadayıoğlu, Selin; Irmaksever, Buse; Çiftçi, Sude
İran'da 1979 yılında İslam Devrimi ile kabul edilen yeni rejim, ülkede bazı ayrışmalara sebep olmuş, bunun sonucunda İran’dan Türkiye’ye ve dünyaya bir göç dalgası başlamıştır. Türkiye, konumu ve İran’a komşu olması sebebiyle bu göç dalgasından oldukça etkilenmiştir. Göçün nedenleri arasında İran’ın özellikle muhalif kesime karşı anti-demokratik ve baskıcı tavrı önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'de yaşayan İranlı göçmenlerden olan Şehriyar Şems’in anlattıklarıyla o yıllarda İran’da yaşanan gelişmeler, Türkiye’ye göç ve uyum süreci anlatılmıştır.
Open Access
An analysis of the relations between Iran and the USA during the Pahlavi era by use of alliance theories
(2014) Gülhan, Erdoğan
This thesis aims to elaborate on the US-Iranian relations during Pahlavi era within the framework of alliance theories. By discussing the existing literature on alliance theories, it tries to bring comprehensive understanding of the alliance between Iran and the USA. In order to propound external and internal reasons for Iran to seek alliance with the USA, Iranian history from World War I to 1979 Revolution is examined. In connection with Iranian history, the relation between Iran and the USA which dates back to early 19th century is surveyed with economic, military, and diplomatic perspectives by focusing on Pahlavi era. It endeavors to illustrate on external threats as well as the internal threats that Iran faced during Pahlavi era in order to grip the underlying causes of the “devoted” iv alliance between Iran and the USA. This portrayal is done on the basis of omnibalancing theory.
Open Access
An Application of Expected Utility Modeling and Game Theory in IR: Assessment of International Bargaining on Iran’s Nuclear Program
(Dış Politika ve Barış Araştırmaları Merkezi, İhsan Doğramacı Barış Vakfı, 2019) Özdamar, Özgür
This article provides an introduction to the theoretical underpinnings of expected utility and game theory approaches in IR studies. It goes on to explore their application to a specific research subject, international bargaining on Iran’s nuclear program. In this application, the article presents forecasts about Iran’s nuclear program using a game theoretic, bounded rationality model called the expected utility model (Bueno de Mesquita 2002). Three analyses were made in December 2005, September 2006 and March 2007. All three forecasts appear to be in line with real-life developments regarding the issue. The results show that Iran has been losing international support since the analyses started, and the last forecast suggests a pro-US position supported by all major international actors. Also, all three analyses suggest that Russian and Chinese support is vital to curb the Iranian nuclear program.
Open Access
Countering state-supported terrorism : the PKK and Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East
(2003) Selvi, İsmail
his thesis analyzes the support provided to the PKK by Syria and Iran, and attempts to determine its impact on Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East. Some states have adopted supporting terrorist groups as a means to further foreign policy, even to the extent of pursuing an undeclared warfare against rival countries. Similarly, Syria and Iran have supported and encouraged the PKK hoping that they could gain advantage over issues involving Turkey. In the post-Cold War era, separatist PKK terrorism grew to be the primary threat to the security and territorial integrity of Turkey. Realizing that her low-profile attitude in the region failed to deter the foreign support to the PKK by her southern neighbors, Turkey revised her traditional policies in the Middle East. Consequently, Turkey was forced to pursue more assertive policies in the region, which made her an active actor of the Middle East sub-system despite her Western identity.
Open Access
Does control of rheumatic disease raise the standard of living in developing countries?
(2009) Wigley, R.; Chopra, A.; Wigley, S.; Akkoyunlu-Wigley, A.
[No abstract available]
Open Access
Geopolitical configurations the Russia-Turkey-Iran triangle
(Sage Publications, 1999) Criss, N. B.; Güner, S.
[No abstract available]
Open Access
Good for the Shah, banned for the mullahs: The West and Iran's quest for nuclear power
(Middle East Institute, 2006) Kibaroglu, M.
Iran's nuclear program has become a highly controversial issue in international politics since the August 2002 unveiling of the secretly built uranium enrichment facility in Natanz and the heavy-water production plant in Arak. American officials and experts assert that Iran has secret plans to use its nuclear capabilities to develop nuclear weapons. Iranian officials, however, deny such allegations and claim that they will use their capabilities exclusively for peaceful purposes. Notwithstanding the official rhetoric, some Iranian scholars, intellectuals, and even bureaucrats argue that Iran should seriously consider developing nuclear weapons given that they have the necessary skills and capabilities as well as the reasons to do so. The clerical leaders have supposedly not yet decided about weaponizing Iran's nuclear capability. However, the ever-increasing size of Iran's existing nuclear infrastructure, and the achievements of Iranian scientists, who claim to have developed indigenous capabilities, may very well elevate Iran to the status of a nuclear power, even a de facto nuclear-weapons state.
Open Access
Governments vs states: decoding dual governance in the developing world
(Routledge, 2010) Aydinli, E.
This article begins by questioning the transferability of Western conceptualisations of the 'state' to the developing world, particularly to those areas in which security concerns are extreme. It proposes that the complicated relationship between security and political liberalisation produces a reform- security dilemma, which in turn may result in dual-governance structures consisting of an autonomous 'state' bureaucracy and a relatively newer, political 'government'. The dynamics of such a duality are explored through a longitudinal comparison of two critical cases: Iran and Turkey. Both cases reveal evidence of the 'state' and 'government' as distinct bodies, emerging over time in response to conflicting pressures for security and liberalisation. While the Iranian case remains entrenched in a static duality with an advantaged 'state', the Turkish case provides optimism that, under certain conditions, an eventual subordination of the state to the political government can take place.
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İran Devrimi ve: Elham Erdem
(Bilkent University, 2019) Çiçek, Hande; Memiş, Şeyma; Dinçer, Ali Taha; Çatalpınar, Tolga; Dinç, Yiğit
20. yüzyıl boyunca, İran siyasi sistem ve meşruiyet ile ilgili sorunlarla karşı karşıya kaldı. Şah rejimi bu gerginliği hızlandırdı. İnsanlar ve Şah arasındaki gerilim politik ve kültürel değerlerin çatışmasından kaynaklandı. Şah, temelini İran halkından almayan bir modernizasyon süreci başlatınca güçlü bir muhalefet ile karşılaştı. Bu muhalefet bir süre sonra kendisini bir devrim olarak gösterdi. Devrim siyasi sistemi değiştirdi ve dini, devlete entegre etti. Sonuç olarak toplum, özellikle de kadınlar köklü değişimlere maruz kaldı.. Bu değişimlere şahit olan Elham Erdem 1993 yılında Türkiye'ye göç etmiştir. Bu çalışmada, devrim süreci, devrim sonrası dönem ve Erdem’in hayatındaki değişimler tartışılacaktır.
Open Access
The Iranian quagmire: how to move forward. Position: resuscitate the nuclear swap deal
(Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, 2010) Kibaroglu, M.
As the writers in this symposium illustrate, dealing with Iran's nuclear program is one of the most important foreign policy issues of the day. Years of stalled talks, diplomatic dead-ends, and sanctions have made it difficult to see exactly where progress has been made and what efforts are worth pursuing. In this Global Forum, leading foreign policy experts weigh in from around the world on the options for how to move forward with Iran-from diplomacy to fuel swaps to military strikes. Whatever their proposed solutions, the writers express one common theme: We ignore Iran at our own peril.
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Is authoritarian modernization effective? a case study of socio-political divergence between Türkiye and Iran as a consequence of the twentieth-century modernization movement
(Bilkent University, 2024) Hamidova, Ayan; Lassem, Nima Kamali; Shadurdyyeva, Leyli; Shukurzade, Murad
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Reza Shah led their nations, Türkiye and Iran, through unstable periods, in means of establishing the modernized Turkish Republic and the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. This paper discusses the major factors that led to the distinctive pathways of the two countries throughout their history of modernization. Both leaders implemented the patterns based on their politically strategic campaigns, which were mainly under the concepts of secularism, nationalism, and revolutionism. However, Atatürk's additional focus on the interests of the population to gain support for the republic contrasted with Reza Shah's more strictly authoritarian methods, leading to differing outcomes. Distinctive religious sects, Sunnism in Türkiye and Shiasm in Iran influenced the two nations’ reaction to the political reforms. Although Türkiye and Iran followed a similar pattern of diplomatic treaties, the latter experienced obstacles, slowing the pursuit of authoritarian modernization. Thus, differing strategies of regimes, religion, and diplomatic relations, as well as the structural environments based on the history of the two states, diverged Türkiye and Iran in their paths of modernization, in which Türkiye succeeded under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's leadership, while Reza Shah’s efforts for Iran failed.
Open Access
Modernizing neighbors: Turkish-Iranian relations from the interwar period to the Early Cold War
(2019-08) Kanmaz, Dilşah Nur
After the establishment of the Turkish Republic and the Pahlavi dynasty, Turkish-Iranian bilateral relations reached their peak under the leaderships of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Reza Shah Pahlavi. Then, the premiership of Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran (1951-1953) was an era during which the bilateral relations were tested. This study deals with the factors behind these two distinctive periods in the inter-state relations. Taking into consideration the development of the nationalist ideology as an important political force in the hands of both the nationalist-modernist regimes of the interwar period and for Mossadegh’s popular national movement, I have sought to explain the different articulations of the nationalist ideology in Turkey and Iran before and after WWII. As the findings of this study show, nationalism in interwar Turkey and Iran emerged as an official state ideology which aimed to establish state authority across the country. Each state’s commitment to the idea of the nation-state and to the sovereignty of the other proved to be significant in close relations. After WWII, Turkish nationalism evolved to take on an anti-communist identity. On the other hand, the rising tide of nationalism, anti-imperialism, and communism led up to the nationalization of Iranian oil in 1951. The early Cold War years marked a divergence in the interpretations of the nationalist ideology in Turkey and Iran, and ideological divergence contributed to the weakening of bilateral relations.
Open Access
Multiple dualities: seeking the patterns in Iran’s foreign policy
(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, İhsan Doğramacı Peace Foundation, 2019) Bayar, Tuğba
As one of the most significant actors of the region, Iran’s interactions with great powers (as well as regional powers and non-state actors) have come under scrutiny. This article adopts an historical account and suggests a framework to study Iran’s foreign policy. The framework is contextually built with a multilevel approach to specify the independent and intervening variables of Iran’s foreign policy through the light of neoclassical realist theory. In this context, it is argued that the independent variables of Iran’s foreign policy are geopolitics, threat perceptions and balance of power politics. These systemic variables are filtered through nationalism, theological and revolutionary ideology and policy making mechanisms.
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Öykülerin, öykücülerin evreninden notlar
(1997) Andaç, Feridun
Open Access
Sunnism versus Shi'ism? : rise of the Shi'i politics and the Ottoman apprehension in late nineteenth century Iraq
(2008) Yaslıçimen, Faruk
The resurgence of religious political activism had predominantly been one of the foremost themes of structural transformations among societies during the nineteenth century. The major characteristic regarding the history of religion in the Middle Eastern context was a bilateral process, that of the mobilization of society and of the consolidation of organized social movements followed by a subsequent process of politicization. As for the Iraqi region, the influence of Shi’ism increased over certain segments of society thus “the spread of Shi’ism” primarily meant the increased activity and organization of Shi’i communities, which increased their weight in political spectrum rather than the magnitude of “the spread” itself. There were internal and external reasons for the rise of Shi’i politics. On the one hand, the intensifying governmental cohesion over the very segments of society during the process of centralization deeply influenced the existing social structure through dislocating various populations and many large tribal confederations. On the other hand, the rise of Usulism at the expense of the Akhbari interpretation of the Shi’i jurisprudence generated an innovative tendency, stimulating the Shi’i scholars to understand and interpret the worldly affairs in a different manner. It gave an impetus and a peculiar function to the position of Shi’i clerical notables, particularly the mujtahids, consolidating their authority in social as well as political matters. The growing influence of Shi’ism in the Iraqi region gave rise to Ottoman apprehension. As a common theme in the Ottoman official documentation, a strong emphasis was made upon the seriousness and urgency of “the spread of Shi’ism.” Ottoman officials embraced a policy of educational counter-propaganda to deal with the Shi’i Question. The major strategy, which they utilized, was not the use of forceful measures but the promotion of Sunni education through opening medreses and sending Sunni ulema to the Iraqi region. However, indoctrinating Sunnism at the expense of Shi’ism had much to do with the political unity and the social integrity of the empire rather than the pure religious motivation. This study further examines selected aspects of the social relations between Shi’is and Sunnis of Iraq in the late nineteenth century. However, the strong emphasis is made upon the relations between the Iraqi Shi’is and the Sunni Ottoman government drawing some conclusions on the antagonistic relations between governmental authorities and certain segments of Shi’i masses. This study also discusses a two-dimensional view developed by the Ottoman officials regarding Shi’ism and the Shi’is of Iraq, perceiving the former as a theological deviation from the “true” path of Islam and recognizing the latter as being similar to those of other local figures who made up the Iraqi society.
Open Access
A tale of two mayors: courts and politics in Iran and Turkey
(Cambridge University Press, 2004) Shambayati, H.
Countries such as Iran and Turkey do not fit comfortably into the democratic and authoritarian categories. In these countries, elections are held regularly, and the will of the people is accepted as one source of sovereignty. At the same time, both constitutionally and in practice the elected officials have to share the exercise of political power with institutions that do not draw their power directly from the will of the people. In such systems, the judiciary has two important political functions. First, the judiciary acts as a politically insulated decision-maker through which the unelected head can exercise some degree of control over the actions of the elected head. Second, the judiciary's direct involvement in the political arena increases political tensions and legitimates the continuation of the two-headed system. In systems based on divided sovereignty, the tensions created by the judicialization of politics contribute to the stability of the regime. The first two sections of the article develop the theoretical framework of the study. I will then look at the constitutional structures of Iran and Turkey and discuss the role assigned to the judiciary in the two systems. The final section examines the politically important court cases of Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan, a former mayor of Istanbul (1994-98), and his Iranian counterpart Gholamhussein Karbaschi, a former mayor of Teheran (1990-98). However, at the outset I should point out that my interest is not in establishing the guilt or innocence of the individuals involved. Rather, I hope that the analysis provided here will shed some light on the role of the judiciary in the politics of countries with two-headed executives. © 2004 Cambridge University Press.
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Turkish-Israeli Entente : the impact of Turkish-Israeli alignment on Turkish-Iranian relations
(2004) Bilgin, Veli
This thesis analyzes the Turkish-Israeli relations, which reached an apex with the 1996 military agreement respectively for both countries. Whether this cooperation is an alliance will be discussed. In the press and in some certain academic circles it is argued that Turkish-Israeli alignment would harm Turkey’s relations with its other Middle Eastern neighbors and it would cause an isolation of Turkey in the region. While Turkish-Israeli alignment can be deemed as a effect of evolving Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East in the post-Cold war era depending on its shifting threat perceptions, this alignment is far from being depicted as an alliance. Apart from targeting a third state, PKK (Partiye Karkaren Kürdistan) terrorism constituted the main motivation of the alignment. On the other hand, including from the Kurdish and Palestinian issues, Turkey and Israel lacked accord on many critical topics. In contemporary multipolar world order Turkey’s maintaining relations with its neighbors despite the fluctuations, traditional Turkish foreign policy which oppose polarization in the Middle East are significant factors that obstruct an alliance type relation between Turkey and Israel.
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Türkiye'de Bahailik ve Bahai kültürü
(Bilkent University, 2019) Bilgin, Suay; Güzel, Furkan; Akyön, Burak; Kocaman, Arda; Laçin, Abdussamed
19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında İran’da ortaya çıkan Bahai dini, peygamberi Hz. Bahaullah ve arkadaşları aracılığı ile zaman içinde tüm dünyaya yayılmıştır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu da bulunduğu coğrafi konum itibariyle bu din ile tanışmış ve Bahai dini bu sayede toplumda kabul görmüştür. Bahai dininin Türkiye’de ve dünyada pek çok müridi bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Bahai dini kültürel ögeleri, tarihi ve Bahai toplumu faaliyetleri anlatılmıştır. Bahai dini mensubu Semih Özşuca ile bir röportaj gerçekleştirilmiştir.
Open Access
US- Iranian relations on the road to the Islamic revolution
(2010) Uzakgider, Gülşah
This thesis aims to elaborate on the U.S.-Iranian relations on the road to the Islamic revolution with a special attention to the identity-security dynamics in these relations and in the impact on the dynamics of the foreign policies of the two countries. In addition, the societal security concerns are discussed in comparison to the threat perceptions of the Iranian state. It attempts to find an answer to the question how the U.S.-Iranian relations affected the internal and external dynamics that Iran found itself on the eve of the Islamic Revolution of 1979.
Open Access
Walking through firewalls: Circumventing censorship of social media and online content in a networked authoritarian context
(SAGE Publications Ltd, 2022-11-19) Dal, Aysenur; Nisbet, Erik C.
The early hopes of the internet as a technology of “liberation” have turned into a reinforcing spiral of control, innovation, resistance, and counter-innovation between authoritarian governments and those that seek to bypass censorship and digital repression. This spiral reflects that even the most robust censorship mechanisms are vulnerable to circumvention, which has become a key concept for illustrating the contemporary online communication experience of citizens. Yet, the scholarship examining the underlying motivations and what influences individuals to employ censorship circumvention technologies (CCTs) in authoritarian contexts remains underdeveloped. We present a theoretical model of how state-sponsored political identity and attitudes about media freedom influence motivated resistance to censorship in the case of using CCTs to access social media and other forms of online content in the networked authoritarian context of Iran. Employing a web-based survey of internet users (N = 807), we test this theoretical model across a range of censored online content types. Our findings show that regime ideology in Iran indirectly influences CCT use through biasing perceptions of media freedom and how people respond to it in the form of motivated resistance. We discuss theoretical and policy-related implications for resilience to censorship of social media and online content in networked authoritarian contexts. © The Author(s) 2022.