Browsing by Subject "International relations"
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Item Restricted 12 EYLÜL 1980 darbesinden önceki ve sonraki süreçte Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerinin ve Fransız Kültür Merkezinin çalışmalarının incelenmesi(Bilkent University, 2021) Ateş, Ece; Tunç, Hasan Ege; Onguner, Deniz Tuna; Çelik, SılaFransız Kültür Merkezlerinin, Türkiye’de farklı tür ve içeriklerden etkinlikler ve kurslar sunarak iki ülke arasında sosyal bir köprü görevi üstlendikleri söylenebilir. Bahsi geçen etkinlikler dönem dönem farklılıklar gösterseler de temel olarak hepsi Fransız dili ve kültürünü yansıtmaktadır. İki ülke arasında başta siyasi olmak üzere yaşanan gerilimlerin Fransız Kültür Merkezlerinin etkinliklerine ve de diğer çalışmalarına yansıması beklenmiştir. Bu bağlamda ikili ilişkileri en çok geren olaylar 1980 darbesi öncesi ve sonrası olarak ele alınmış, olayları medyada nasıl gündeme geldiği de değerlendirilmiştir. Ancak beklenenin aksine bu tür ve benzeri politik etkileşimlerin Ankara ve Fransız Kültür Merkezlerinin çalışmaları üzerine içeriksel olarak herhangi bir etkisi gözlemlenememiştir.Item Open Access Azerbaijan's foreign policy and challenges for energy security(Middle East Institute, 2009) Ipek, P.This article examines Azerbaijan's foreign policy by demonstrating the interplay between the oil-led development process and early post-independence regional conflicts that enforced a Western orientation in the country's foreign policy. It is argued that geopolitics continue to prevail in the strategic goals of Azerbaijan. However, the new challenges in the emerging framework of energy security, which extends beyond the revitalized geopolitical rivalries and preeminent concern over securing energy supplies, put Azerbaijan's foreign policy at a crossroads and require a new trans-Atlantic partnership to promote human security and to manage the risk entailed in the unpredictable policy environments of the Caspian region.Item Open Access Beyond the 'billiard ball' model of the international?(Palgrave Macmillan Ltd., 2016) Bilgin, P.In this review symposium, Pinar Bilgin, Ann Towns and David C. Kang discuss Barry Buzan and George Lawson’s The Global Transformation: History, Modernity and the Making of International Relations. In the book, Buzan and Lawson set out to provide a history of how we came to think about international relations in the way we do today. They explore the roots of our contemporary conceptions of the state, revolution, the international and modernity. They identify the long nineteenth century, from 1776 to 1914, as the key period in which the modern state and international relations as we know them today were forged. This was a global transformation in that it reshaped the bases of power, thereby also reshaping the relations of power that govern the relations between states and other agents today, across the world. In carrying through this project, Buzan and Lawson show us not only how the modern world was transformed, but also the kind of object it became for the discipline of International Relations. As such, this is also a book about the assumptions that have shaped, and continue to shape, that discipline.Item Open Access The changing dynamics of Turkey-Israel relations: a structural realist account(Routledge, 2010-07) Oğuzlu, T.This article tries to examine the changing dynamics of Turkey's relations with Israel in recent years from a structural realist point of view. The main argument is that both the establishment of strong strategic relations during the 1990s and the growing tension in recent years could be convincingly analysed through a structural realist perspective that mainly values systemic and exogenous factors in explanation of states' foreign policy preferences and behaviours. The major goal is to complement domestic and identity-related factors with structural ones in order to have a better understanding of the changing nature of bilateral relations over the last decade.Item Open Access Clash of interest over northern Iraq drives Turkish-Israeli alliance to a crossroads(Middle East Institute, 2005) Kibaroglu, M.Turkey and Israel enjoyed an almost perfect relationship throughout the 1990s that amazed their friends, yet bothered their rivals. The US war in Iraq revealed, however, that the two longstanding allies did indeed have contradictory objectives and concerns with respect to the future restructuring of Iraq. While Turkey fears the emergence of an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq, the same possibility seems favorable for Israel from its security standpoint, vis-à-vis threats posed by countries like Iran, Pakistan, and beyond. It appears that the "amazing alliance" is heading toward a crossroads. Such an eventuality may change the nature of the relationship from a "win-win" to a "lose-lose" situation unless proper steps are rapidly taken with a view toward rebuilding confidence on both sides.Item Open Access Conceptions of ‘the international’ beyond the core: Turkey in the post-Cold War era(Routledge, 2018) Küçük, M. N.International relations (IR) scholarship rests on a conception of ‘the international’ based on the experiences of core actors. A burgeoning literature has asked what IR would look like if non-core actors’ conceptions of ‘the international’ were also considered. This article analyzes conceptions of ‘the international’ in Turkey as an example of a non-core context. In doing this, the article develops and offers a new analytical framework which breaks down the components of conceptions of ‘the international’ into three questions: ‘what’, ‘who’, and ‘where’ of world politics-namely, the main dynamics of world politics, the main actors of world politics, and the location where world politics takes place. I utilize this framework to empirically analyze the election manifestos and party programs of the political parties in Turkey, and tease out their conceptions of ‘the international.’ The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for IR scholarship in general.Item Open Access “Contrapuntal reading” as a method, an ethos, and a metaphor for global IR(Oxford University Press, 2016) Bilgin, P.How to approach Global International Relations (IR)? This is a question asked by students of IR who recognize the limits of our field while expressing their concern that those who strive for a Global IR have been less-thanclear about the “how to?” question. In this article, I point to Edward W. Said’s approach to “contrapuntal reading” as one way of approaching Global IR that embraces diversity and reflects multiple and overlapping experiences and perspectives of humankind. More specifically, I suggest that contrapuntal reading offers students of IR a method of studying world politics that focuses on our “intertwined and overlapping histories,” past and present; an ethos for approaching IR through raising the “contrapuntal awareness” of its students and offering an anchor for those who translate the findings of different perspectives; and a metaphor for thinking about Global IR as regional and global, one and many. © The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Studies Association. All rights reserved.Item Open Access Item Restricted Editor's comment(1989) Russett, BruceItem Open Access Friends no more? the rise of Anti-American nationalism in Turkey(Middle East Institute, 2010) Grigoriadis, I. N.This article examines the rise of anti-American nationalism in Turkey. While Turkish public opinion has developed strong views against a set of foreign policies furthered by the United States, recent findings allude to the development of an emerging anti-US bias in large segments of Turkish society. The deterioration of the US image in Turkey could be considered a result of the recent US involvement in the Middle East, as well as socio-political shifts inherent to Turkey's democratization process. © Middle East Institute.Item Open Access Global disorder and the limits of 'dialogue'(Routledge, 2008) Salt, J.Since 2001 (designated as the UN Year of Dialogue Among Civilisations) several initiatives have been developed as a means of resolving problems whose causes have been ascribed, primarily by Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis, to civilisational difference. This article questions responses to the 'clash of civilisations' thesis which seem to accept the postulates on which it is based. It suggests that while dialogue is an indispensable tool of social cohesion, the source of many of the problems that pose a continuing threat to regional and global order is not 'civilisational difference' but the failure of governments to comply with international laws and conventions they have sworn to uphold. The explanation that 'civilisational difference' is the root cause of global disorder allows them to sidestep responsibility for the consequences of their own policies. Manipulation of the United Nations at the level of the Security Council is further evidence that the answer to global problems lies in redressing the failings of an entrenched world system that is based far more on power and state perceptions of self-interest than justice. The clearest evidence of structural weakness in the international system is to be found in the Middle East, where the UN Secretary-General's former special representative to the 'peace process', Alvaro de Soto, has drawn attention to the disjunction between public declarations of good intentions and high-level manipulation of this 'process' by powerful actors from behind the scenes. The article concludes that where dialogue is not the problem, it cannot be the solution.Item Open Access Good for the Shah, banned for the mullahs: The West and Iran's quest for nuclear power(Middle East Institute, 2006) Kibaroglu, M.Iran's nuclear program has become a highly controversial issue in international politics since the August 2002 unveiling of the secretly built uranium enrichment facility in Natanz and the heavy-water production plant in Arak. American officials and experts assert that Iran has secret plans to use its nuclear capabilities to develop nuclear weapons. Iranian officials, however, deny such allegations and claim that they will use their capabilities exclusively for peaceful purposes. Notwithstanding the official rhetoric, some Iranian scholars, intellectuals, and even bureaucrats argue that Iran should seriously consider developing nuclear weapons given that they have the necessary skills and capabilities as well as the reasons to do so. The clerical leaders have supposedly not yet decided about weaponizing Iran's nuclear capability. However, the ever-increasing size of Iran's existing nuclear infrastructure, and the achievements of Iranian scientists, who claim to have developed indigenous capabilities, may very well elevate Iran to the status of a nuclear power, even a de facto nuclear-weapons state.Item Open Access International political economy in Turkey: the evolution and current state of a maturing subfield(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2020) Köstem, Seçkin; Şen, Ö. F.Since its emergence in the 1970s, international political economy (IPE) has been one of the main subfields of International Relations (IR) in North America and Britain. The past two decades have witnessed a growing academic interest in IPE among Turkish IR scholars. This study explores the emergence, evolution and the current state of IPE studies in Turkey. Based on an original dataset, it examines the research dimension of Turkish IPE and presents a comprehensive overview of the thematic, theoretical and methodological orientations of the publications of Turkish IPE scholars. It also offers implications on the sociology of IPE in Turkey.Item Open Access Introduction(Routledge, 2010) Aydınlı, Ersel; Aydınlı, ErselThis book presents a selection of edited essays written by leading international scholars engaging with practicing intelligence, military, and police officers and responding to their first-hand international security cooperation experiences. The resulting chapters provide original theoretical perspectives on evolving international security cooperation practices. Beginning with the premise that intelligence cooperation-domestically between agencies, internationally between states, and transnationally among states, sub-state and non-state actors-is essential in order to successfully counter the evolving transnational nature of security threats, the authors explore the transnationalization in states' responses to a transnational security threat like 'global' terror. They assess whether early signs of a "statist transnationalism" for a new global security cooperation regime can be identified, and look at the use of extraordinary rendition and police liaisons as means for the development and growth of transnational security cooperation.This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, terrorism, security, policing and intelligence.Item Open Access Introduction(Routledge, 2016) Guillaume, X.; Bilgin, P.; Guillaume, X.; Bilgin, PınarItem Open Access Introduction: The Justice and Development Party: making choices, revisions and reversals interactively(Routledge, 2007) Cizre, Ümit; Cizre, ÜmitItem Open Access Introduction: Widening the world of IR(Routledge, 2018) Aydınlı, Ersel; Biltekin, Gonca; Aydınlı, Ersel; Biltekin, GoncaItem Restricted ..kelimeleri yoktur ölümün, yalnızca hayat seslenebilir...(2001) Yıldız, AhmetItem Open Access Item Open Access National identity and regional integration in Central Asia : Turkestan reunion(2002) Karasar, Hasan AliThe existing conceptual and terminological anarchy in the literature about the Central (Inner or Middle) Asian region was a starting point of this dissertation. Thus, the basic objective for this study was to review the literature as to which terms were used by whom, when and with what kinds of motives? With the final objective of trying to bring some clarifications to the field. This is a historical study with an eventual international relations repurcassions in mind. Historically, the term Turkestan has been used by many. It differs from most of its contemporary alternatives. It is not only a geographic and political term but also a politico-ethnic one, in Persian, Turkestan means “the country of Turks.” The term has also been used in the literature to cover four different names and areas: Western or Russian (then Soviet) Turkestan, Eastern or Chinese Turkestan, Southern or Afghan Turkestan as well as the Greater (Uluğ) Turkestan to encompass all. Extensive review of encyclopedical and primary sources and the researcher’s numerous interviews and long-time field observations on the subject reveal significant findings. First of all, the region was called with different names by different peoples throuought its history. However, from the 7th Century AD on, the name Turkestan has been the longest survived one. Furthermore, toward the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, the rise of Turkestanism among the political elite of Turkestanis was witnessed. It is most likely that the liberal athmosphere of February 1917 Revolution resulted in the declaration of Turkestanist national statehoods in the region, namely Turkestan Autonomy, Bukharan and Khorezmian People’s Soviet Republics and Alaş Orda Government. The 1924 national-territorial demarcation (razmezhevanie) was not totally a product of central planning in Moscow but have had an important native initiative too. During the period between 1924 and 1991, Turkestani intelligentsia at home and abroad continued their Turkestanist stance at different levels while reaching its height when Nazi Germany decided to establish Turkestan Legions to “liberate” Turkestan from the Bolshevik tyranny. Even after 1991, when all five Union Repulics gained their independences, a search for regional integration and strengthening already existing common Central Asian-Turkestani solidarities continued with an increasing degree on the both ruling elite and opposition camps in the regional states. Although, historically, while there exists: no “Turkestani nation” in western meanings of the term, no single “Turkestanish language” in modern terms, no contemporary political entity called Turkestan, and no consensus over its geography; the concept of Turkestan has survived through the centuries and its heritage has been claimed by the modern political cadres of the region. It is hoped that, the study may provide new visions for those bewildered by the complexities of the daily politics of the region. This study explains that history and common Turkestani identity are key to understand inreasing integration efforts of Central Asian leaderships in the post-Soviet period. However, in this process the Soviet legacy and the very definitions of the ethnic identities during the Soviet period are still quite in affect despite the efforts to re-write Turkestani history by the regional administrations in the 1990s. It is also underlined that just like all three Turkestani movements at beginning of the 20th century, Basmacıs, Jadids of Turkestan Autonomy and Alaş Orda and National Communists were all Turkestanists in different levels, in the post-Soviet period, leaderships and oppositions of the independent Central Asian states use Turkestan idea and Turkestanism in different levels as well. Thus, ultimate purpose of this work is to outline the dynamics of the Turkestani regional identity and its reflections on the daily politics of Central Asian states.