Dept.of International Relations - Master's degree
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Item Open Access Basic political factors influencing Great Britain's European Community policy(Bilkent University, 1990) Kutlu, İstemThe subject of the thesis are the major political f.'clc.s influencing the British European policy. The study tests the assumption that national systems are the main determinants of European policy. ^mong the domestic political factors the government and political parties are the dominant actors together with th? partly influential interest groups and highly volatile public opinion. Moreover, the British European policy is constrained by tlie special relationships with the United States and to a h;sser degree by the Commonwealth relations. To conclude, the British experience in Uie EC' is illust rate 1 in two major areas of the Common Agricultural Policy and the European Political Cooperation. Consequently, the conclusion confirms the assumption that th:? British EC policy is almost a reflection of its domestic politics and concerns.Item Open Access Ecological threats and international cooperation for a common future : the case of ozone depletion(Bilkent University, 1993) Bayramoğlu, BanuOzone depletion is one of the global environmental problems which threaten human health and nature. However, what distinguishes ozone depletion from the other environmental problems is the fact that a stronger and promising international cooperation has been established on the issue. It cannot be claimed that this cooperation has been a perfect accomplishment from every aspect. However, this multinational collaboration can constitute an antithesis against the views projecting apocalyptic futures. Indeed, the ozone regime can be presented as an exemplary case with respect to finding solutions for the other global environmental problems. In short, it can be stated that the international cooperation achieved on the ozone issue may be a hope for further environmental collaboration in future.Item Open Access A post-Cold War experience in self-determination and secessionism (the Yugoslav case)(Bilkent University, 1993) Tuncay, AliThis study aims at analyzing the established normative structure towards the principle of self-determination of peoples and the of principle territorial integrity of states, and implications of the Yugoslav crisis to these concepts. The principle of self-determination has been applied with reference to decolonization. The dismemberment of colonical empties was legitimized but secession from a UN member state was not. The principle of territorial integrity were related to the prohibition of use of force againts the territorial integrity of a state by external and internal elements. Secessionist attemps are regarded as against the territorial integrity principle. The Yugoslav crisis has implied that frontiers can only be changed through negotiated settlement, if not the principle of uti possidetis applies to the case and international community have not yet been able to develop international law with a universal application to the question of which people qualifies for self-determination.Item Open Access Authoritarianism and democracy : policy management and regimes in Azerbaijan(Bilkent University, 1993) Kehnemui, SharonDemocratic and authoritarian regimes govern using very different methods. While the rulers of the various regimes often orate similar political philosophies, their governing tactics reveal startlingly different methods of inclusion, persuasion and/or coercion of their populations. In policy formulation, in particular, governors attempt to manage using means which exemplify their willingness to include or specifically exclude the masses and which express their commitment to the contending philosophies. In this essay, the application of these political philosophies through government and societal institutions in Azerbaijan will be reviewed to determine if Azerbaijan is really embarking on a democratic venture or if it is continuing past practices of authoritarianism which have been learned over more than 150 years of imperial and Soviet rule. After the theoretical framework for democracy is grounded, the implementation of democratic principles in the newly-independent Azerbaijan will be discussed in the areas of sociopolitical, foreign and economic policy. It is the attempt of this thesis to show that while authoritarian philosophies can be used to manage the politico- legal institutions and population in Azerbaijan, the long-term development and "health" of Azerbaijan and its people will rely on the implementation of democratic institutions and transparent decision-making.Item Open Access Export-led growth: NIC performance and the Turkish experience(Bilkent University, 1993) Coşar, FatmaItem Open Access The formation of regional trade blocs: prospects for a trilateral world order(Bilkent University, 1994) Gedikkaya, PınarThe world is fomiing into trade blocs. The European Community in Europe, the North American Free Trade Area in North America are the clear signs of this formation. Although it is hard to mention a concrete bloc in East Asia, there is strong potential in the region as well as many alternatives through which these countries may come together. This trend has two consequences for world trade. The first is the increasing intra-regional trade between the members. The second one is the increasing inter-regional trade among the three regions. These two consequences, automatically, leads to discrimination in trade and highlight the probable protectionist attitudes by these regions towards non-member countries. Under these circumstances, the countries that do not belong to any bloc will be at a disadvantage vis-a-vis these blocs in the coming years.Item Open Access Northern exposure : Sweden, Finland and Norway join the European Union(Bilkent University, 1994) Rantanen, AnjariittaThe study examines the decision of three Nordic countries - Sweden, Finland and Norway - to apply for full membership in the European Union (EU). The membership negotiations were concluded in March 1994 and the European Parliament voted in favor of accession in May 1994. Depending on the outcome of national referendums, the three Nordic countries are expected to enter the EU on 1 January 1995, together with Austria. Although the Nordic countries were already deeply integrated with the EU in terms of trade and economy through EC-EFT A free trade agreements and the European Economic Area agreement, they had refrained from extending economic integration into political integration. In the case of Finland and Sweden, this "encapsulation" of integration was connected to their policies of neutrality and non-alignment in the Cold War climate. The study analyses the decision to apply for membership in the light ofregional integration theories. Traditional neo-functionalism working through a gradual spill-over mechanism can not explain the sudden shift in favor of membership. Instead, the applications are studied in the framework of intergovernmental institutionalism with emphasis on deliberate governmental decision-making. The initiative to apply was mostly an economic and business consideration. However, the decisive factor which enabled Finland and Sweden to reassess the compatibility of the EU membership with their policies of neutrality was the change in the international geopolitical climate since 1989 which removed the image of the EU as a western block.Item Open Access Operation Provide Comfort : Turkish perspectives(Bilkent University, 1994) Yıldız, ErginIn this dissertion Operation Provide Comfort is evaluated from the Turkish perspective. The Operation has created much controversy in Turkish foreign affairs yet little information about has been accessible. Successive governments between 1991 and 1994 have failed to dissolve doubts concerning the Operation and this has led to speculation over ’’foreign forces” in Turkey, their ’’real” aims, deployment, operational principles and even "relations with the PKK” . Trying to find answers to these questions has proven extremely difficult because the Turkish political parties failed to record their proceedings. Also, many documents being held by the Ministries and the Turkish General Staff are classified and therefore inaccessible. For this reason, I had to rely on personal contacts as well as materials gathered from the Turkish Grand National Assembly Library, the American Embassy, Bilkent University Library, the Middle East Technical University Library, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Bureau of United Nations in Turkey. The main objective of this dissertation is to present the different views prevailing on the Turkish side and to trace their origins. To achieve this, Turkish perceptions and responses to OPC from its inception to the present day are chronologically listed. The thesis consists of three parts: developments leading to the creation of OPC and the evolution of OPC ’ s force posture; the debates pertaining to OPC and the views of successive governments,as well as political parties, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Turkish General Staff. The thesis concludes with a critical evaluation of the arguments and debates concerning the OPC. Ultimately, the objective of this thesis is to present the views of the involved parties in Turkey so that it would be useful to those wishing to understand the issue.Item Open Access Yugoslavia : a case study in conflict and disintegration(Bilkent University, 1994) Katık, MevlutFollowing the collapse of communism and the alleged end of the Cold War, the Balkans came into the spotlight of events in Europe. By the spring of 1992 Yugoslavia disintegrated. The war between Serbia and the breakaway republics which began in the immediate aftermath of the Slovene and Croatian declarations of independence on 25 June 1991 had already obliterated any possibility of the continued existence of Yugoslavia as a federal entity. At the same time, it presented the international community with a problématique involving complex issues of ethnicity, sovereignty, self-determination, redrawing of borders and diplomatic recognition. The conflict in Yugoslavia threatened wider regional instability at a time when Europe was busy adjusting itself to the changes brought about by the end of the Cold War. With the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet withdrawal from Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia became essentially divorced from great power rivalry. Subsequent developments confirmed earlier fears that Yugoslavia might become the first significant test in post-Cold War Europe for the creation and maintenance of regional stability. The war in Yugoslavia has raised two outstanding issues. The first relates to the question of how to prevent emerging conflicts and defuse existing ones in a continent devoid of the East-West confrontation, yet destabilized by the process. The second issue is the establishment of precedents and policies to prevent conflicts that could arise elsewhere. In that regard, the right to secede or the unilateral act of secession is highly important. There is considerable potential for a conflict similar to the Yugoslav case to erupt elsewhere, including Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The Yugoslav crisis thus presented the international community with the wider problem of pinpointing and avoiding a situation in which the satisfaction of legitimate national aspirations might encourage destabilization. With the Yugoslav crisis, the concept of Balkanization has again come into fore. It is also the first war on the continent since World War II. This study aims to trace the reasons for the Yugoslav disintegration and to single out its salient characteristics. It is neither a comprehensive examination of its political history nor is it intended to keep a record of actual events since the war broke out. It is an aim of this study to use the Yugoslav crisis as a case study in conflict and disintegration as well as secessionism. The first chapter will deal with the theoretical framework concerning conflict and disintegration. The second chapter will examine the historical aspects of the conflict and focus on the factors leading into conflict and disintegration such as Serbian nationalism and its proponent Slobodan Milosevic, cultural ethnicity, economic discrepancies, changing international climate and third party involvement. Finally, there will be a conclusion and conjecture of possible consequences that might flow from present circumstances. The appendix will present the distinctive economic, social, and political characteristics of the former republics and autonomous regions which have facilitated conflict and disintegration.Item Open Access International protection of refugees: the practice of UNHCR(Bilkent University, 1994) Şarman, CenanThis study aims to analyze UNHCR's practice pursued since 1950 for the protection of refugees. A review of previous organizations and legal instruments is given in order to find out the meaning of the term " refugee " until the establishment of UNHCR which is considered to be a successor to all these organizations. The procedure and criteria applied by UNHCR for the eligibility determination of refugees are examined with the aim of identifying the group of asylum-seekers which are under the mandate of UNHCR. UNHCR's protection functions which involve promoting legal tools to secure the rights, security and welfare of refugees, and finding solutions either by voluntary return of refugees to their country in conditions of security, or by assimilation in a new national community are examinedFinally, the changing role of UNHCR in the post-Cold War era is evaluated and new strategies are suggested in the concluding chapter.Item Open Access Military operations in the CIS : peacekeeping or restoration of regional hegemony?(Bilkent University, 1994) Yulchurin, SalavatPost-communist Russia has entered a new stage after nearly two years of trying to reorient itself away from the former stereotypes of Soviet ideology. Russian involvement in conflicts on the territory of the ex-USSR was declared by Moscow as peacekeeping operations. This study discusses the conflict settlement in Moldova, Abkhazia and Tajikistan and attempts to indicate that the military operations in the CIS differ from the classical definition of peacekeeping within the theory of International Relations. This study also questions whether the case studies can be described accurately as the CIS peacekeeping operations. The appeal by Moscow to the international authoritative bodies to grant Russia peacekeeper’s status proposes a veiled desire toward the restoration of the Russian empire. Hence, peacekeeping has turned out to be a key element in Russian overall policy to rehabilitate and maintain its influence in the territory of the ex-USSR.Item Open Access German Ostpolitik before and after unification: continuity and change(Bilkent University, 1994) Şener, MahmutIn this study one of the most important aspects of German foreign policy, "Ostpolitik", is examined. The aim is to explain and discuss the changes in the nature of the Ostpolitik before and after the unification in terms of its general political and economic objectives, motives, and consequences. A review of the Westpolitik oriented Christian Democrat era (1950-1969) and a brief history of OsLhandel are given in order to investigate the origins of the radical Ostpolitik of the early 1970s. Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik became the hottest political topic in the 1970s and achieved, since the end of the Second World War, a "modus vivendi" with the Eastern European countries, which was a big step toward unification. A new era began for the Germans. Unification on October 3, 1990 was achieved with Kohl’s Ostpolitik, that is with timely and well applied policies paralleling the changing Cold War structure. In ox'der to illustrate the changes in the nature of Ostpolitik, Germany’s new relationships with the former Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia (until div'ision) are analysed. Finally, in the concluding chapter Bonn’s new understanding of Ostpolitik is evaluated and discussed.Item Open Access The United Nations Protection Force in former Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR): A Case study for future peace-keeping operations(Bilkent University, 1994) Efegil, ErtanThis study aims to analyze the institution of peace-keeping and tries Ic illustrate nevvrequiremeTrts'for'peaoe-keeping'Dperatiahs in Ihe^’post-Cbrci' War'era' througn' the explanation and examination of the United Nations Protection Force in Former ViK;'>s!ayia (UNPROFOR). Although Dag Hammarskjöld stated that the peace-keeping operations functioned within the framework of Chapter *six-and-ha!f' of the UN Charter during the Cold War era. permanent members of the United Nations mainly used them to deal with local and regional conflicts rather than employing coercive measures within the framework of Chapter VII in order to cool off and localize the conflicts and to prevent third party involvement. UNPROFOR has implied that the institution of peace-keeping s.hould be transformed into a new structure in order to provide ar; ansv/er to the require:v-nts of li'i;·.· post-Cold War era. Because, the conflicts have betxjms much more complicated than those during the Cold War era, and the parties have also become much more intricate. Thus, continuation of the traditional peace-keeping structure may not be sufficient to deal with the inter-ethnic and intra-state conflicts in the post-Cold War era in order to maintain international peace and security.Item Open Access Lobbying in the United States: Reputation management of Turkey(Bilkent University, 1994) Pak, Memnune AlevThe subject of this thesis is the Turkish lobbying mechanism in the United States, with the purpose of evaluating its effectiveness. Lobbying is an integral part of the United States governmental structure, and it is the most commonly used influential instrument. Like many other countries Turkey has been exercising certain lobbying activities in the U.S. since the mid 1970s. These activities take place both on direct and indirect grounds. Therefore this study examines the place and the importance of lobbying in the U.S. government structure, and consequently examine and evaluate the effectiveness of the Turkish lobbying mechanism within the U.S. lobbying system, and see what can be suggested for the future.Item Open Access Emergence of new multinationalism and prospects for global economic integration(Bilkent University, 1994) Vural, TügeThroughout history, multinational enterprises have changed the extent, form and geography of their value-added activities (transforming by manufacturing, processing etc., hence adding new values to a product) in response to the changes in the structure and organization of the world’s resources and capabilities. With the evolution of new strategies and structures by the multinational enterprises, the nature of international production has also changed and multinational enterprises have become a powerful source for binding national economies together. Through complex corporate strategies and intricate network structures, they have started engaging in international production characterized by a sophisticated intrafirm division of labor for each corporate function. Even though a good deal of International production still takes place through the establishment of stand-alone affiliates, there is still a slow trend towards greater functional integration of multinational enterprise activities. If this trend continues, then this will increase the links between countries hence will lead the world towards a more Integrated global economy.Item Open Access The PKK the "Kurdish Question" as factors in Turkish-German relations, 1984-1994(Bilkent University, 1994) Lukitsch-Öymen, CourtneyItem Open Access Economic development : environmental degradation or protection? : an analysis of the Japanese case(Bilkent University, 1994) Somunkıran, AyşegülThe idea of material progress has been equated with man's free use of nature, or rather separation of man from nature. The evolution of the advanced industrialized societies involved a deep transformation in every respect of life. The development of its fundamental principles and attitudes produced, from the 18th century on, an increased range of human power over nature, which is turning environmental problems such as ozone depletion, global warming, tropical forest destruction, and air and water pollution, into life threatening issues not only for the world's species of flora and fauna but for humans as well. In the light of these developments, the traditional Western philosophy of man's exploitation of nature and its resources began to be questioned and revised. This trend was visible especially in the industrialized countries which were once the champions of the traditional view. Such revision of the traditional approach has started to show its reflections in the environment-related behavior of these countries. Whereas, in the initial stages of economic development, industrialized countries did not take environmental concerns into account, they have had to change their attitude and adopt a more environmental-concerned stance later as a result of domestic and/or international pressures. The Japanese case is illustrative of this trend. Although Japan was a latecomer into the world of industrialized countries. It caught up with its rivals in a short period and demonstrated the negative environmental side effects of the Western style of economic development associated with industrialization. However, recent policies in this country reflect a growing concern for global environmental protection.Item Open Access The Baghdad Pact : an Anglo-American quest for policy in the Middle East(Bilkent University, 1995) Çetiner, Yusuf TuranThis study considers the making of the Baghdad Pact in the Middle East and analyses the Anglo-American relations around this security organisation. A defense organisation which was to embody states bordering south of the Soviet Union was the American conception of the Nothern Tier project in the first half of the 1950s. The Baghdad Pact eventually represented an adaptation of the Nothern Tier in which Britain was the leading country. The Baghdad Pact to which Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and Britain belonged and of which the United States was defined loosely associated was a security organisation designed to entrench the Western positions against the Soviet Union in the Middle East in an era of general instability. The first step towards the forming of a group of Northern Tier States was a treaty of friendship and cooperation signed on 3 April 1954 between Turkey and Pakistan. Subsequently, the Pact between Turkey and Iraq was signed in Baghdad on 24 February 1955. On 5 April, Britain’s formal accession turned the Turkish-Iraqi Pact into the Baghdad Pact. The formation of the Baghdad Pact coincided with chaotic international changes and different perceptions of the regional states especially that of Egypt. From the outset, Gamal Abd-el Nasser, and Egyptian nationalist, and a Pan-Arabist, opposed the Pact and unremittingly blamed the Iraqi government for Joining this British initiative. Nasser’s anti-Pact policies had also effect on the Jordanian government which had problems to control the public sentiment. As a result, Jordan remained outside of the Pact. Despite these developments, American involvement in this alliance remained less extensive than British involvement. Apparently, there were divided views in the US government about the Baghdad Pact and Egypt. Given this premise, the main theme which will be discussed in this dissertation is the Anglo-American policies and their differences around the Baghdad Pact and the events which hampered this security organisation to develop into a long-lasting security mechanism. The failure to accomplish a strong defensive grouping in the Middle East was the end result of the lack of unanimous actions of the US and Britain. British views of the region was contrasted with the American government’s perception of regional dynamics. Ultimately, the US contended itself with observer status in the organisation. In the end, after Iraq’s defection in 1958following the coup of dissident military units, the Baghdad Pact functionally ended.Item Open Access New Russian policies towards Central Asia(Bilkent University, 1995) Peker, M. GündenIn this analysis, it has been attempted to reflect some light into the enigmatic future of the new Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia. To this end, elucidating and discussing the changes in the nature of Russian foreign policy reflected in two phases of time towards Central Asia in terms of economic, ethnic, political, strategic, ideological and military motives has become imperative. A review of groups in the foreign policy making processes are given, and the two dominant schools of foreign policy making: the Atlanticist and Eurasianist schools are examined. The implications of the presence of 1 O million ethnic Russians living in the Central Asian states, an interdependent economic system , the peacekeeping and defense agreements , and the role of Islam in the shaping of politics in Russia towards Central Asia are analyzed with two case analyses. In order to be able to have a full picture of the future balances in Central Asia, Turkish and Iranian roles are also heeded and placed into the Central Asian picture. The final analysis is devoted to clarification of the Russian position in Central Asia, with the aim of injecting some predictability to the unknown future of a recently growing region in world politics.Item Open Access Balkans minorities and their effect upon Balkan security(Bilkent University, 1995) Çağaptay, SonerWith the advent of a bloody war in ex-Yugoslavia which has by now claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, the Balkans has once again become a focus of interest. Many have concentrated on the study of religion, nationalisms and minorities, admittedly three sources of trouble in the peninsula. It is worth noting that almost all Balkan states have had significant minority populations since their establishment. The very existence of minorities coupled with irredantist and chauvinist features of Balkan nationalisms as well as claims of homogeneity have somewhat turned minorities into potential surrogates of their host-states in which they live. Mother-states, to which minorities look for support have been regarded by their host-states as dangerous neighbors. As a result, enormous amount of mistrust between Balkan states has come about, letting loose a considerable amount of combustible materiel throughout the Balkans. To this may be added the third source of trouble, that is the minorities. This work aims to analyze a somewhat peculiar relationship which has three dimensions, namely host-states, mother-states and minorities. It also aims to focus on relevant aspects of Balkan nationalisms. And it concludes that, in spite of a number of a triangular relationships involving these three actors, every case has to be treated on its own merit.