Browsing by Subject "Turkish foreign policy"

Now showing 1 - 20 of 25

Restricted
20. yüzyılda İngiliz Monarkların Türkiye ziyaretleri ve bu ziyaretlerin Türk siyasi tarihindeki yeri
(Bilkent University, 2022) Göğüş, Fatma Betül; Sürer, Ekin; Güleç, Metehan; Keskinol, Ulaş; Polat, Nart Emre
1936, 1961 ve 1971 yıllarında olmak üzere İngiliz monarkları tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen üç farklı ziyaret ve bu ziyaretlerin Türk-İngiliz ilişkileri, Türk siyaseti ve devlet yönetimi üzerindeki etkileri incelenecektir. Ele alınacak ilk ziyaret, Kral VIII. Edward tarafından 1936 yılında gerçekleştirilmiştir. Resmi olmayan bu ziyaret, I. Dünya Savaşı sürecinde zedelenen Türk-İngiliz ilişkileri açısından olumlu bir etki yaratmıştır. İstanbul ve Çanakkale’de bulunan Kral Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’le görüşmeler de gerçekleştirmiştir. Kraliçe II. Elizabeth’in 1961’deki ilk Türkiye ziyareti ise o dönem ülkenin gündemindeki önemli konulardan olan Başbakan Adnan Menderes ve diğer DP’lilerin yargılanma ve olası idam cezaları açısından önem taşımaktadır. Kraliçe’nin Esenboğa Havaalanında Devlet Başkanı Cemal Gürsel’le gerçekleştirdiği bir saatlik görüşmeye idam cezaları hakkında sergilenecek tutum konu olmuştur. Önceki iki ziyaretin aksine resmi olarak nitelendirilebilecek ilk ziyaret Kraliçe tarafından 1971 yılında gerçekleştirilmiştir. Sekiz günlük bu ziyaretle Türkiye’de o zaman bulunan siyasi kriz geçici olarak duraklamış olsa da Kraliçenin gidişiyle Başbakan istifasını vermiştir. İngiliz Monarklarının yaptığı ziyaretlerin Türkiye’nin dinamiklerinde yarattığı etkiler kapsamlı bir şekilde işlenecektir.
Open Access
The analysis of Turkey as a non-Western and emerging humanitarian actor
(2020-06) Coşkun Türkmen, Efser Rana
This dissertation explores Turkey as a non-Western and emerging humanitarian actor with respect to its humanitarian policies, goals, actors, and practices. In the literature of International Relations (IR), although there are various scholarly works that analyse Turkey’s humanitarianism, they have not been competent enough to explain how and in what terms Turkey is a different humanitarian actor compared to other humanitarian donors. This dissertation includes a comprehensive research on actors, practices and strategic goals of emerging donors to assess Turkey’s operationalisation of its humanitarianism. While the majority of existing scholarly contributions on today’s ‘emerging donors’ investigate China, Brazil and India, this research focuses on Turkey that has engaged with the international development field through using insights from IR, development studies particularly humanitarianism and development aid, and Turkish foreign policy. Existing scholarly works remain limited to explore Turkey’s humanitarianism in detail from a different angle to develop new conceptual understandings. The dissertation analyses Somalia as the single case study to understand Turkey’s growing activism in the country. To this end, this dissertation asks three major research questions: 1) How does Turkey operationalise its humanitarianism and what does it seek to achieve? 2) How has Turkey become an important humanitarian actor in the world despite its middle-income country status? 3) Why and in what terms does Turkey emerge as a significant actor amongst emerging donors in humanitarianism? In doing so, this dissertation unravels operationalisation of Turkey’s humanitarianism with regard to activities, humanitarian emotions, civilizational geopolitics, Turkey’s geopolitical aid, and its liminal identity.
Open Access
Costs and benefits to Turkey in its relations with the United States : the Cold War and after
(2003) Buyruk, Ö. Bora
Turkey’s relations with the United States have always been a diagnostic element not only for its foreign policy but also its economic and sociological structure. As a global power, the US has always interested in the region from Eurasia to the Middle East, which inevitably highlight Turco-American relations. This thesis is a product of the idea, which gives importance to analyze the key issues in Turco-American relations in order to ferret out costs and benefits of Turkish side from its relations with the US. It probably gives us to chance to see alterations in relations and evaluate Turkish foreign policy vision in the long run. “Indefiniteness” can be accepted as the nature of the global environment of the post Cold War which has appeared specifically in the aftermath of September 11 terrorist attacks. So, following developments in Turkey’s region indicates that there is need to evaluate Turkish position in its relations with the US. This reevaluation period should not only comprise strategic, economic and political relations in Turco-American relations but also some cliché concepts like “strategic partnership”, “dependency”, “global power” and so on. This is why this thesis is analyzing Turco-American relations into two sections; the Cold War and the post Cold War Eras, because it aims to extract and underline in which ways this bilateral relation has changed with changing conjectures, which probably enlighten us about the near future of the relations. Therefore, it is possible to think that this thesis is an attempt to highlight the important linkage between an “established” or “weak” foreign policy and its possible reflections on the state’s international statisko in more general meaning.
Open Access
Countering state-supported terrorism : the PKK and Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East
(2003) Selvi, İsmail
his thesis analyzes the support provided to the PKK by Syria and Iran, and attempts to determine its impact on Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East. Some states have adopted supporting terrorist groups as a means to further foreign policy, even to the extent of pursuing an undeclared warfare against rival countries. Similarly, Syria and Iran have supported and encouraged the PKK hoping that they could gain advantage over issues involving Turkey. In the post-Cold War era, separatist PKK terrorism grew to be the primary threat to the security and territorial integrity of Turkey. Realizing that her low-profile attitude in the region failed to deter the foreign support to the PKK by her southern neighbors, Turkey revised her traditional policies in the Middle East. Consequently, Turkey was forced to pursue more assertive policies in the region, which made her an active actor of the Middle East sub-system despite her Western identity.
Open Access
From good neighbor to model: Turkey's changing roles in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab Spring
(International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK), 2014) Özdamar, Ö.; Halistoprak, B. T.; Sula, İ. E.
The recent Arab uprisings have forced many actors to reconsider their positions regarding Middle Eastern politics. Role theory provides a viable tool to explain changes in actors’ foreign policy behaviors, presuming that states’ foreign policies are shaped by the ruling elites’ foreign policy role conceptions. This article analyzes Turkish foreign policy roles with regard to the Middle East and North Africa before and since the Arab uprisings that began in December 2010. We argue that these uprisings caused Turkey to change its emphasis from roles built on soft power instruments to harder roles requiring material capabilities. We also discuss the implications of this change with reference to theories of international politics.
Open Access
From good neighbor to model: Turkey’s changing roles in the middle east in the aftermath of the arab spring
(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2014) Özdamar, Özgür; Halistoprak, B. Toygar; Sula, İ. Erkam
The recent Arab uprisings have forced many actors to reconsider their positions regarding Middle Eastern politics. Role theory provides a viable tool to explain changes in actors’ foreign policy behaviors, presuming that states’ foreign policies are shaped by the ruling elites’ foreign policy role conceptions. This article analyzes Turkish foreign policy roles with regard to the Middle East and North Africa before and since the Arab uprisings that began in December 2010. We argue that these uprisings caused Turkey to change its emphasis from roles built on soft power instruments to harder roles requiring material capabilities. We also discuss the implications of this change with reference to theories of international politics.
Open Access
Great expectations: Turkey’s status-seeking policies in the 21st century
(2020-08) Yılmaz, Muhammed Yusuf
This thesis aims to analyze the role of status concerns in Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century. Utilizing Richard Ned Lebow’s theory that he built in his book A Cultural Theory of International Relations, this research argues that Turkish foreign policy makers have been adopting policies that are primarily driven by status-concerns. Although status concerns are rooted in the human need for self-esteem, they have systemic consequences as they govern political behavior. Benefitting two other complementary theories -Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Prospect Theory-, this thesis demonstrates how numerous agendas in Turkish foreign policy are the manifestations of this human motive. While SIT is employed to identify the policies that are pursued to enhance Turkey’s status in the international system, Prospect Theory is used to explain Turkey’s risky and ambitious policies after the Arab Spring which were resulted from the reference point bias. Ranging from the EU accession process to the most recent policies in the Eastern Mediterranean, this thesis analyzes various major foreign policy agendas and offers a new way of thinking in examining Turkish foreign policy.
Open Access
The influence of the economic interest groups in Turkish foreign policy during the JDP government period (2002-2011) : the cases of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD
(2011) Yıldız, Ceren
This thesis analyzes the influence of the economic interest groups in Turkish foreign policy during the two Justice and Development Party (JDP) governments with a special focus on the role of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD. The foreign policy of the JDP government is analyzed by looking at foreign policy developments during the JDP governments and the changes and continuities in Turkish foreign policy. To evaluate TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD’s influence on the JDP’s foreign policy further general characteristics of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD and their export orientations are discussed. Consequently, the relationship between the JDP government foreign policy preferences and TÜSİAD’s and MÜSİAD’s foreign policy preferences are analyzed in light of the neo-Gramscian approach. The argument here is that MÜSİAD with its ties with the JDP government based on identity and material interests is a new ‘hegemonic project’ and under the dominance of global neo-liberal capitalist order MÜSİAD and the JDP seems to form a new ‘historical bloc’ at domestic level.
Open Access
International fluctuations and domestic limitations: Turkish-Israeli relations in the new millennium
(Peter Lang AG, 2015) Fildes, H.
Turkey was the first Muslim state to recognize Israel in 1949 and since this time, military and economic bilateral relations have grown exponentially, particularly since the election of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi in 2002. This evidence is indicative that, contrary to popular opinion, the AKP's purportedly Islamic identity did not stand in the way of creating ties with Israel based on geo-strategic, economic and security realities. Although this remains the case in Turkey, as a democracy, the government is not immune to changes in public opinion and thus has developed a populist discourse on this matter. Consequently, Operation Cast Lead, Davos and the Mavi Marmara incident have left Turkish-Israeli diplomatic and political relations frozen and caused a key divergence from Turkey's "zero-problems" policy in the region. Yet despite emphatic language, the divide between practice and discourse when it comes to Turkey's 'hard' stance towards Israel is stark. Although vocally critical of Israel's policies in Palestine, trade relations have remained immune to diplomatic difficulties and continue to increase under the AKP's jurisdiction. Consequently, this chapter will examine the disjuncture between the continuously strong trading and economic relations between Israel and Turkey in the light of the diplomatic ice age, examining the domestic and international factors which dictate said relations. In order to provide a comprehensive examination of both discursive and practical transformations in Turkish Foreign Policy behaviour and the political economy of the AKP, the function and effect of domestic ideational, historical and cultural variables must be examined. Such variables dictate the complex political opportunity structure in which the AKP operates, and consequently, define the future relations of these two important regional powers. Analysis of such contentious issues is increasingly important for understanding Turkey's decision-making processes. Turkey's future role as a regional power, as well as their EU accession bid is predicated on the normalization of Turkish-Israeli relations. Not only do Turkish-Israeli relations speak volumes about the nature and purpose of the AKP's power, but also implicitly define their limitations as a dominant actor in the international system. © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2015. All rights reserved.
Open Access
The July 15 failed coup attempt and its implications for Turkish foreign policy
(Ahmet Yesevi University, 2016) Usluer, Ayşe Sözen
In the aftermath of the July 15 coup attempt, Turkish foreign policy has once again become the subject of debate amongst political, academic and diplomatic circles, as well as media outlets. The discussions put forward questions on Turkey’s NATO membership, its relations with the EU, its trustworthiness in allying in the fight against ISIL in the region, and the likeliness of Turkey’s slide into new axis of alliance with Russia and Iran. Despite the speculative potential of these foreign policy questions, Turkish foreign policy inclinations and the country’s interactions with international institutions and individual nation states need to be revised after the July 15 coup attempt. This paper argues that that the recent domestic developments in Turkey, which actually started with a confrontation between the Gulenists and AK Party government over the control of state institutions and then resulted in the coup attempt, have certain implications for the country’s near foreign policy inclinations. New Turkish foreign policy, which can be traced back to the end of 2013, takes on the mantel of a more rational, operational and internationally-focused policymaker. Although rational and operational mode of action may signal neorealism in the new Turkish foreign policy, Turkey will continue its value-based reservations, especially in the making of international order.
Open Access
On the road to détente: Turkish foreign policy after the Johnson letter
(2021-05) Özel, Oğul Hasan
This thesis analyzes the how the Turkish-American relations altered after the Johnson letter. Referring to US-Turkey association as a “troubled alliance”, this research studies how a once middle-power and a superpower sought cooperation along common interests and how they managed to carry on with their partnership when disagreed. Turkey, as a country whose priority had been to guarantee military aid and development assistance while trying to survive at the onset of the Cold War, sought close ties with the US. It also aspired to balance the hard security threat stemming from the Soviets. Washington capitalized on supporting Turkey thanks to its geostrategic importance as Ankara served as the protector of NATO’s Southeastern flank. However, when the Cyprus issue arose as a major point of discord and the relations reached rock bottom by the Johnson Letter, in addition to few other crises stemming from the Cold War atmosphere, Turkey’s single-minded reliance on the US started to diversify. As Ankara’s foreign policy maneuverability was surging, it adjusted its development aid flow and normalized its ties with the Soviets to a certain extent. The détente period was catalyst for a new Turkish foreign policy trajectory as the tension between Washington and Moscow had been reduced, it served more space for Ankara to navigate on its own course of interests.
Open Access
Overview of relations between Turkey and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
(Peter Lang AG, 2015) Diriöz, A. O.
In 2008, Turkey became the first country that started an institutional mechanism of strategic dialogue with the GCC. This was also important for cooperating in the fields of transport and energy security. GCC states are among wealthiest in the Middle East and Turkey has a strong economic and industrial base, which makes them complementary partners. Therefore their cooperation contributes to the region's wellbeing. This article argues that Turkey-GCC cooperation develops in multiple dimensions and in a mutually beneficial manner, as the both actors share common and vested interests in many of the regional issues. © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2015. All rights reserved.
Open Access
Perceptions of the US involvement by Athens and Ankara in the Greek-Turkish Dispute (1954-1999)
(2004) Kalaitzaki, Theodora
Greek-Turkish relations became strained a few years after the starting of the Cold War despite that both countries have become parts of the same alliance, NATO, and belonged to the western camp against the Soviet Union. The eruption of the Cypms conflict was the main reason for worsening the relations between the two states. In the decade of 1970s additional problems in the Aegean deteriorated relations further, and both states have almost come to the brink of a war several times. The United States as the most powerful ally has always needed to be involved in order to keep NATO’s cohesion and preserve stability in the southeastern flank of the Alliance. I l l The aim of this study is to analyze the American involvement towards the GreekTurkish dispute which includes the Cyprus problem and the Aegean issues from 1954 until 1999 emphasizing in the most serious Cyprus crises (1963-64, 1967, 1974, 1997) and the Aegean crises (1976, 1987, 1996). Further, this study will attempt to analyze the Greek and the Turkish perceptions of the American involvement, and to evaluate to what extent the United States presence has affected the course of the long-standing GreekTurkish dispute.
Open Access
A Pilot study of quantifying Turkey s foreign affairs: Data generation, challenges, and preliminary analysis
(Dış Politika ve Barış Araştırmaları Merkezi, İhsan Doğramacı Barış Vakfı, 2013) Tüzüner, Musa; Biltekin, Gonca
This paper provides a simple introduction to event data analysis, a quantitative data collection and analysis approach that has been used extensively for compiling broad datasets of foreign policy and other international behaviors. The authors define the steps undertaken in creating the Turkish Foreign Affairs Event Dataset (TFAED). This pilot study, which uses a single news source and covers a 23-year period (1990-2013) of foreign affairs in Turkey, was completed to evaluate the feasibility, time, cost, and possible problems that might be encountered with a full-scope study. The paper describes the obstacles encountered during the pilot study s initial phases and discusses a sample of the preliminary findings. The paper concludes with potential uses of the dataset.
Open Access
Rearticulation of Turkish foreign policy its impacts on national/state identity and state society relations in Turkey : the Cyprus case
(2003) Kaliber, Alper
The central problematic of this dissertation is how, in what ways and to what extent ‘foreign’ political discourses and representations are instrumentalized by the state apparatus in the constitution and maintenance of domestic political order and state identity in a given polity. In that respect, this study assuming a dialogical interplay between internal and international political processes and structures aims to re-examine and problematize the Turkish official discourse on the Cyprus question. Doing this, it is intended for critically questioning the role and impact of those discourses in the reproduction of the state identity and the state society relations in Turkey. Despite an increasing body of contemporary literature on the question, there still exists an urgent need for a brand new approach critically examining Turkey’s official Cyprus discourse from the viewpoint of power/domination relations in Turkey. This dissertation considering the restrictions and weaknesses of the mainstream scholarship proposes a new conceptual/analytical framework and research agenda facilitating the reassessment of Cyprus question and its implications in restructuring and/or securing the domestic politics in Turkey. In this context, the main argument of this thesis work is that the modes in which the Cyprus question is discursively framed and/or represented by the Turkish state elite within domestic politics are inherent to the reconstruction of state society relations and state identity in Turkey. Drawing on the post-structuralist and constructivist IR theories, I do propose that the official and mainstream understandings coding and fixing the Cyprus dispute primarily as an issue of state’s security and ‘a national cause’ around which the unity and cohesion of Turkish society should necessarily be guaranteed has a two-fold function: First, they ensure the continual reorganization of Turkish political life in full conformity with the priorities and policy objectives articulated by the state elite. This grants them the power and capacity of inscribing the boundaries of the political space and disciplining the political imagination. Second, they ensure the maintenance of the state society relations in its conventional and hierarchical terms in such a way as to reproduce the former’s supremacy over and independence from the latter.
Open Access
The role of ideology in Turkish foreign policy during the Democrat Party
(2021-05) Bilir, Ali Berk
With the end of the Second World War, Turkey increasingly aligned with the Western powers. Turkey was a key recipient of Marshall Plan aid that sought to rebuild Europe after the destruction of the war. In the aftermath of the war, the Turkish political scene and the economy liberalized as Turkey integrated itself more with the West. These policies were followed by a power change with the defeat of the Republic’s founding party, the Republican People’s Party, to the Democrat Party in the 1950 elections. Adnan Menderes’ ten-year rule was a period of close cooperation between Ankara and its Western partners. In this study, I have sought to examine the role of ideology in the Menderes Government’s foreign policy. To capture the balance between Menderes’s pro-Western ideology and his concerns about Turkey’s security and economy, the thesis highlights three different cases. American financial aid to Turkey reveals the limits of Menderes’s pro-Westernism and the different approaches to developmental plans in Ankara and Washington. Turkish-Soviet relations show that his government’s attitude towards Moscow was not narrowly ideological and changed over time. It was in the Menderes government’s attitude towards decolonization movements and Third World nationalism that ideology had an undeniable influence on Ankara’s foreign policy.
Open Access
Soft power in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP governments : 2002-2009
(2010) Alpaydın, Utku Ali Rıza
The concept of soft power has turned out to be one of the agenda-setting terms in the field of international relations upon its inception in the early 1990s. Despite its widespread usage, the inherent nature of the concept could not been grasped to a great extent. The increasing references to soft power in many of the analyses about Turkish foreign policy during the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP, (Justice and Development Party, JDP) era has created a need to present the notion of soft power as a proper theoretical concept and to discuss the foreign policy of the Turkish state conducted by the AKP governments in the light of such a theoretical background. Therefore, this thesis intends to present a refined theory of soft power embracing all the relevant points of the existing literature on soft power theory in order to make it utilizable for all cases and to implement this proposed theory to the case of Turkish foreign policy in a comparative manner by examining pre-AKP period and the period during the AKP has been in rule. Out of these explanations, the research question of this thesis emerges as such: “To what extent has soft power increased its influence in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP governments?” The main argument of the thesis can be put forward in the following manner: “The soft power of Turkish state has increased during the AKP term, although there has been some degree of soft power culture in the history of Turkish Republic.”
Open Access
The strategic culture and political beliefs of Turkey’s far-right leaders: an operational code analysis of Alparslan Türkeş and Devlet Bahçeli
(2022-12) Gül, Kerem
Far-right parties with strong nationalist tendencies have occupied a central role in Turkish politics. Sometimes as the radical voice of the opposition parties, sometimes as the minor coalition partner, Turkish nationalism has found itself a strong grip on the political scene since the 1950’s. Alparslan Türkeş and Devlet Bahçeli are viewed as the pioneer figures in the long journey of Turkish nationalism. Both leaders have served as party leaders for more than two decades through several coups, domestic and international changes. In this regard, understanding their belief systems becomes a must in order to understand the foreign policy culture of the Turkish far-right. By utilizing the operational code, a quantitative leadership assessment method that maps the political beliefs of leaders in order to identify causal mechanisms in foreign policy decisions (George, 1969); (Walker, 1983) the study looks to identify the general patterns of Turkish far-right leaders in foreign policy. While analysing the belief systems of Türkeş and Bahçeli, the thesis also looks at the foreign policy events that the leaders experienced. Thus, the quantitative results that stem from the automated coding system ProfilerPlus will be combined with a qualitative aspect that will shed light to the events that give meaning to the beliefs. Three main sets of hypotheses are tested in the thesis. First, Bahçeli is expected to have more stable views on the nature of political universe; Türkeş is believed to have a more hostile understanding of the political universe compared to Bahçeli; and both leaders are expected to see their political other more hostile than the average world leader. Secondly, the study hypothesizes that Türkeş and Bahçeli select more cooperative strategies during their governmental terms but remain conflictual compared to the average world leader in any setting. Third and finally, the thesis argues for the two leaders to possess lower self-control over the course of historical development compared to the average world leader; and expects them to have similar control levels during the 1990’s –a time period in which both leaders ruled their Parties. The findings of the study reveal that Türkeş and Bahçeli possess high levels of hostility towards the political universe, adopt conflictual strategies compared to the average world leader, and their level of historical control remain slightly over the average world leader. While there are minor differences among the two leaders, a clear party orientation can be spotted in the field of foreign policy. Approaching the strategic culture debate from a theoretical perspective, their typologies correspond with a ‘realist-other’ approach on the nature of political universe alongside ‘mixed self-strategies’ that swing between moderate ‘idealism’ and ‘realism.’ Nevertheless, the findings also show that most deviations from their career averages have occurred during governmental power and brief opportunity windows. In adopting a longitudinal approach, the thesis analyses the belief systems of the two leaders in several time-frames.
Open Access
A study of belief change and stability with operational code analysis: the case of Erdogan
(2021-07) Alpay, İzel Ekin
Objectives. As the significance of a leader’s beliefs in decision-making processes is widely acknowledged, how and when those beliefs change became important aspects in comprehending the foreign policy of a given country. I investigated whether Erdogan’s beliefs changed in his 19 years of power over exogenous shocks. Informed by the Role Theory, I controlled for the impacts of Arab Spring and US-PYD Alliance as two time intervals. Method. I utilized Operational Code Analysis as an at-a-distance content analysis method. I examined Erdogan’s foreign policy speeches between 2003-2021 and generated his operational code construct. Results. Findings suggest that Erdogan’s beliefs somewhat changed over these two external events, although not in the way that theoretical framework of this study predicted. This limited change is measured as statistically significant change after US-PYD Alliance and tools of OCA supported this, demonstrating a leadership typology change. Conclusion. Events of Arab Spring and US-PYD Alliance had an impact on Erdogan’s OCA belief system and the unfold of Turkish Foreign Policy in an altering manner. Role Theory applications are informative in pursuit of belief change.
Open Access
Turkey's foreign policy implementation in sub-Saharan Africa: a post-international approach
(Cambridge University Press, 2013-09) İpek, V.; Biltekin, G.
Turkey's activism in Africa has been extensively noted. It has been argued that non-state actors like business and civil society organizations take part in Turkey's Africa initiative. Nevertheless, state/non-state interaction in Turkey's foreign policy implementation has not been accounted for in theoretical terms in Turkish foreign policy literature. This paper combines post-international theory and foreign policy implementation in looking at Turkey's foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that adapting to the multi-centric world, the Turkish government has moved beyond conventional state-to-state dealings in implementing its foreign policy and increasingly relies on the cooperation of non-state actors.