Browsing by Subject "Political parties"
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Item Restricted Bir kez daha: Lenin ve parti edebiyatı(1995) Kurtuluş, AkifItem Restricted Item Open Access Conceptions of ‘the international’ beyond the core: Turkey in the post-Cold War era(Routledge, 2018) Küçük, M. N.International relations (IR) scholarship rests on a conception of ‘the international’ based on the experiences of core actors. A burgeoning literature has asked what IR would look like if non-core actors’ conceptions of ‘the international’ were also considered. This article analyzes conceptions of ‘the international’ in Turkey as an example of a non-core context. In doing this, the article develops and offers a new analytical framework which breaks down the components of conceptions of ‘the international’ into three questions: ‘what’, ‘who’, and ‘where’ of world politics-namely, the main dynamics of world politics, the main actors of world politics, and the location where world politics takes place. I utilize this framework to empirically analyze the election manifestos and party programs of the political parties in Turkey, and tease out their conceptions of ‘the international.’ The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for IR scholarship in general.Item Restricted Eleştiri üzerine notlar ve iki örnek(1995) Mısır, Mustafa BayramItem Restricted İşgal edilmiş topraklar(1997) İnce, ÖzdemirItem Open Access İYİ Party nationalism, 2017-2024(2024-09) Karaçalık, Reyhan CemreThis thesis examines the political position of the İYİ Party, with a particular focus on its nationalism. It first covers the political trajectory of the party from its establishment in 2017 to the end of its founding leader, Meral Akşener’s tenure in 2024, and addresses the discussions surrounding its ideological stance during this period. Then, through semi-structured interviews with ten party elites conducted in April 2024, supplemented by party documents and official statements, this research examines how these elites perceive their party’s position at the end of its founding phase. Based on this, the thesis explores where the İYİ Party can be located within the broader context of nationalist ideology in Turkey and argues that, despite frequent comparisons with the MHP, the İYİ Party aligns with official nationalism and upholds the Republican legacy in opposition to the ‘destructive’ Islamist authoritarianism of the AK Party over the past two decades. Their adherence to official nationalist ideology is evident across various policy areas, serving both as a source of moderation and as a basis for fear and suspicion towards minorities, external powers, their perceived internal agents, and refugees—driven by the party’s fixation on cultural unity and territorial integrity, which is itself rooted in official nationalism. Even in its seemingly progressive stance on women's rights, the İYİ Party reveals a complex interplay of progressive and traditional views. Overall, these dilemmas and contradictions in the party’s nationalist ideology continue to raise questions about its democratic and moderate image.Item Restricted Küçük bir örnek(1983) Anday, Melih CevdetItem Open Access Legitimacy from above: the partisan foundations of support for the political system in democracies(Cambridge University Press, 2013) Anderson, C. J.; Just A.We investigate the partisan foundations of political legitimacy. We argue that the goals parties pursue shape their supporters' views about the political system via the messages they communicate about the desirability of the political system. Combining public opinion survey data collected in 15 democracies with data on the goal orientations and policy positions of 116 political parties, we find that office-seeking parties take more positive positions toward the status quo of the political regime than policy-seeking parties. Moreover, we find that these positions have consequences. Specifically, supporters of parties with more positive positions toward the system report systematically higher levels of support than supporters of parties that communicate more negative views. Taken together, these findings suggest that political parties play an active role in shaping citizens' views of the political system and that office-seeking parties in particular mobilize consent among citizens in contemporary democracies. © European Consortium for Political Research.Item Restricted Mehter yürüyüşü(1996) Oktay, AhmetItem Open Access Monarchists against their monarch: the Rightists' criticism of the Tsar Nicholas II(Brill, 2004) Podbolotov, S.[No abstract available]Item Open Access An Online Causal Inference Framework for Modeling and Designing Systems Involving User Preferences: A State-Space Approach(Hindawi Limited, 2017) Delibalta, I.; Baruh, L.; Kozat, S. S.We provide a causal inference framework to model the effects of machine learning algorithms on user preferences. We then use this mathematical model to prove that the overall system can be tuned to alter those preferences in a desired manner. A user can be an online shopper or a social media user, exposed to digital interventions produced by machine learning algorithms. A user preference can be anything from inclination towards a product to a political party affiliation. Our framework uses a state-space model to represent user preferences as latent system parameters which can only be observed indirectly via online user actions such as a purchase activity or social media status updates, shares, blogs, or tweets. Based on these observations, machine learning algorithms produce digital interventions such as targeted advertisements or tweets. We model the effects of these interventions through a causal feedback loop, which alters the corresponding preferences of the user. We then introduce algorithms in order to estimate and later tune the user preferences to a particular desired form. We demonstrate the effectiveness of our algorithms through experiments in different scenarios. © 2017 Ibrahim Delibalta et al.Item Open Access Opening the box of parties and party systems under autocratization: evidence from Turkey(Routledge, 2022-10-25) Tsarouhas, Dimitris; Yavuzyılmaz, H.Party institutionalization (PI) and party system institutionalization (PSI) are critical for processes of democratization and democratic consolidation, yet their impact and relationship have not been explored under conditions of autocratization. How does autocratization relate to party and party system stability, and how does that link manifest itself? To answer those questions, we draw evidence from Turkey to demonstrate that when autocratization occurs, stabilization at the systemic level can go hand in hand with declining levels of PI. We also conceptualize the process of stabilization at the systemic level alongside unit-level de-institutionalization as a form of systemic ossification. Ossified party systems appear stable but are continuously subject to the possibility of de-stabilization, or even implosion, due to the under-institutionalization of incumbent parties. Driving factors of such (de)stabilization are: (1) the increasing unevenness of party competition and (2) increasing levels of societal and political polarization resulting from autocratization.Item Open Access Partisan legitimacy across generations(Elsevier, 2012) Anderson, C. J.; Just A.In this paper we argue that parties shape their supporters' views about the political system via the messages they communicate about the desirability of the political system. Moreover, we contend that the effectiveness of such communication varies considerably across generations. Combining data from election surveys collected in 15 democracies as part of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) project with data on the policy positions of 116 political parties collected by the Comparative Manifestos Project, we find that supporters of parties that express positive positions toward the political system report systematically higher levels of political legitimacy than supporters of parties that communicate negative views. Moreover, this communication is particularly effective among older party identifiers whose partisan identification tends to be more pronounced. Taken together, these findings suggest that political parties play an active role in shaping citizens' views of the political system but their success in mobilizing consent among citizens in contemporary democracies may weaken with partisan de-alignment and generational change. © 2011 Elsevier Ltd.Item Restricted Piyon Peşkov'dan acılı Maksim'e: Maksim Gorkiy'in trajedisi(1993) Kurtuluş, AkifItem Restricted Rapp'tan sosyalist gerçeklik'e; ne kadar evrensel ? ne kadar teorik ?(1992) Kurtuluş, AkifItem Restricted Şenlik : Fatsa gerçeği(1980) Öngören, Mehmut TaliItem Open Access A short history of anti-Americanism and terrorism: the Turkish case(Oxford University Press, 2002-09) Criss, N. B.[No abstract available]Item Restricted Solun edebiyatı, edebiyatın solu(1998) Mısır, Mustafa BayramItem Open Access Theorizing authoritarian party structures : the case of Turkey(2009-11) Ayan, PelinThe existing studies assume or treat an authoritarian party organization as a static and uniform structure, in which national party leaders dominate the party on the ground. Moreover, the extant explanations of authoritarianism focus on the effect of macro-level factors (e.g. the changes in the nature of democratic competition, political culture and institutional structure) over the internal strategies of the party leadership. Thus, little attention is paid to the role that local party actors play in authoritarian party structures. This study attempts to enhance our understanding of dynamics and factors behind party authoritarianism by raising the following questions: What does constitute party authoritarianism? Is it really a uniform or a static phenomenon as assumed? If not, how can we explain the variance in party authoritarianism? What might be the theoretical and policy implications of such an analysis for democratic development and party governance? By conducting a comparative case study of four political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, DTP) in four geographically and politically distinct urban districts (Karşıyaka, Ümraniye, DiyarbakırMerkez and Tarsus) within Turkish political system, this study identifies four types of authoritarian party structures: benign, clandestine, challenged and coercive. In order to explain this variance, this study utilizes principal-agent approach, which is modified in two ways. First, as opposed to internally democratic parties, it is the national party leaders (principals) that delegate authority to local party actors (agents) in authoritarian parties. Second, the interest configurations between the principals and agents are based on not only material but also social interests. Material interests are those associated with power-seeking aims such as a desire for a position in public office. Social interests refer to the shared ideas and values such as ideological attachment, policy interests or loyalty to the leader. It is argued that interest configurations, which constitute the power structures between the national party leaders (principals) and local party actors (agents), vary across space and time. Second, the endogenous and exogenous triggers such as the outcomes of candidate selection processes or electoral defeats have the potential to cause a change in the power equilibrium between principals and agents, which might generate a new type of party authoritarianism or an exit to democratic party governance. Empirical analyses indicate that the agents motivated primarily by material interests are subordinate to party authoritarianism due to the material benefits received from the principals (benign authoritarianism). The agents motivated by social or ideational interests accept the subordination because of their loyalty to the party leader or the party ideology (clandestine authoritarianism). That been said, the agents whose interests conflict with the principals as a result of exogenous or endogenous triggers might attempt to shirk from the authority of the principals and object the authoritarian party structure (challenged authoritarianism). The authoritarian-leaning principals, in response, may exert coercion over the challenging agents (coercive authoritarianism). The success of the challenging agents over the principals depends on their power resources, such as information, social and economic status, legitimacy and networking with other agents. This work, thus, shows that party authoritarianism should be understood as a dynamic and heterogeneous phenomenon, which shows significant degree of variance across space and time. To have a better sense of this dynamic phenomenon, we need to focus on the role of micro-level factors (i.e. interest configuration and power relationships among principals and agents). With respect to broader implications, the principal-agent (PA) relationship must be understood in a different way in authoritarian party organizations where the major responsibility of the local party actors is to fulfill the tasks set by the national party leaders. Therefore, in studying the power structure of authoritarian party organizations, contrary to the conventional understanding, it is useful to assign the role of the principal to the national party leaders and the role of the agent to the local party actors. Another implication of this study is that exit from party authoritarianism is always a possibility not only because the national party leaders choose to do so, but also because the local party actors have the potential to cultivate new power resources and create power networks against authoritarian party structures. Yet, this possibility arises only when there is a conflict of interests between the agents and principals. Therefore, what causes the rise of such intra-party conflicts (e.g. electoral defeats, outcomes of candidate selection processes) and what prevents them from arising (e.g. material benefits, or social interests such as leadership loyalty, ideological attachment) must be given further recognition in studying internal dynamics of party authoritarianism.