Browsing by Subject "PKK"
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Item Open Access Arming civilians as a counterterror strategy: The case of the village guard system in Turkey(Routledge, 2015) Gurcan, M.There are currently more than 60,000 Kurdish village guards in a system that has been fighting against the PKK in Turkey for almost three decades. This article offers the first evaluation of the effectiveness of the village guard system as a counterterror strategy. I argue that the village guards in Turkey proved their effectiveness as a deterrencebased and territory-focused counter-terror strategy between 1985 and 1999. From 1999 onwards, however, when the nature of the conflict changed, the costs of the village guard system in the political and socio-psychological domain have exceeded its value in the security domain. Evaluation of the village guard system in Turkey provides insights which may be useful in considering the formation of local militias in conflict zones such as Iraq and Afghanistan. © 2014 Taylor & Francis.Item Open Access Countering state-supported terrorism : the PKK and Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East(2003) Selvi, İsmailhis thesis analyzes the support provided to the PKK by Syria and Iran, and attempts to determine its impact on Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East. Some states have adopted supporting terrorist groups as a means to further foreign policy, even to the extent of pursuing an undeclared warfare against rival countries. Similarly, Syria and Iran have supported and encouraged the PKK hoping that they could gain advantage over issues involving Turkey. In the post-Cold War era, separatist PKK terrorism grew to be the primary threat to the security and territorial integrity of Turkey. Realizing that her low-profile attitude in the region failed to deter the foreign support to the PKK by her southern neighbors, Turkey revised her traditional policies in the Middle East. Consequently, Turkey was forced to pursue more assertive policies in the region, which made her an active actor of the Middle East sub-system despite her Western identity.Item Open Access Deterrence and transnational attacks by domestic terrorist organizations: The case of the PKK attacks in Germany(2015-07) Özkan, AlperenBuilding on the “strategy of terrorism” theory (Neumann and Smith, 2008), and the “opportunity and willingness” pre-theoretical framework (Most and Starr, 1989), this thesis analyzes the relationship between offensive deterrence and transnational attacks by domestic terrorist organizations. Counterterrorism studies have been dealing with the effects of deterrence-based and conciliatory counterterrorism measures on the tactics of terrorist organizations and their willingness to commit violence. Transnational attacks represent a tactical response to offensive deterrence for domestic terrorist organizations at the target response stage of their campaign. This tactical response should be analyzed by looking at opportunity and willingness structures of the terrorist organization. Regarding opportunity, I argue that the size of diaspora population from home country increases the likelihood of transnational attacks at the host country. Secondly, I contend that offensive deterrence in home country increases the willingness of the terrorist organization to perpetrate transnational attacks. In order to test these hypotheses, a case study of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) attacks in Germany is conducted using qualitative data and descriptive statistics. The PKK is investigated throughout disorientation stage during 1984-1992 period, target response stage during 1992-1999 period, and partly overlapping with target response, gaining legitimacy stage after 1995. The variance in the number of the PKK attacks in Germany over these stages is explained using official data on the number of the PKK militants killed per year and an original dataset on military operations against the PKK, assembled by surveying the archives of two major Turkish dailies.Item Open Access Eradicating terrorism in asymmetric conflict: the role and essence of military deterrence(Routledge, 2020) Coşar, Mustafa; Cafnik-Uludağ, PetraThis study quantitatively and qualitatively analyzes the impact and effectiveness of Turkey’s deterrence-oriented incapacitation effort throughout Turkey’s PKK conflict (1984–2018). By employing vector autoregressive (VAR) analysis, this study quantitatively finds that incapacitation did not reduce PKK violence over the long term and yielded a short-term counterproductive effect. Descriptive analysis asserts that while incapacitation had important mid-term deterring effects, it did not have any sustainable mitigation on the PKK insurrection. This is because, as this study argues, these deterrent impacts were not strategically converted into political gains/results. Considering the latest phase of the conflict, in which Turkey’s intra-state strife has become increasingly regionalized and lately internationalized in military and political terms with the emergence of the Syrian civil war, particularly the rise of the People’s Protection Units (YPG), this study claims that the sole application of an incapacitation-oriented eliminationist approach has become less relevant and less effective. The study suggests that deterrence should be considered within the strategic tit-for-tat game to force/compel the non-state actor to make the conflict more manageable by transforming it in a strategic way, in which strategy of deterrence is to be attached to visionary, long-term, and viable grand strategic political end-states and to be considered within the grand bargaining game.Item Open Access The impact of Syrian Civil War on the Kurdish resolution process(2018-08) Akgül, MusaThis study investigates the impact of the Syrian Civil War on the failure of the Kurdish Resolution Process in Turkey within the context of Contagion Process Approach. The main question of the thesis can be formulated as such: what is the role of the civil war taking place in Syria on the failure of the mentioned Resolution Process? In order to handle this question, by using Process Tracing and Elite Interview methods, the process whereby conflict in one country (Syria) spreads to another country (Turkey) has been presented. The first contribution of this study to the literature is, contrary to most studies in the literature focusing primarily on the domestic factors in Turkey and thus neglecting international and transnational factors, that it incorporates the mentioned absence into the study. The second contribution is that this study has included numerous individuals engaged in the process both directly or indirectly in the examination process through elite interviews. The final contribution is that this study has ruled out other studies in the literature that handle the failure of the Resolution Process in a descriptive way and examined the failure based on a theoretical framework. The result obtained from this study is that the Resolution Process was barred and clash environment was re-established because the Syrian Civil War with its spillover effects started working against the Turkish government and the expectations of the PKK increased when the Turkish government and the PKK, the main actors in the Resolution Process, re-evaluated the cost-benefit analysis.Item Open Access The Iraq conflict and its security implications for Turkey (2003-2007)(2007) Türken, AnılThis thesis evaluates the security threats posed to Turkey after the March 2003 invasion of Iraq. The newly emerging federal, democratic Iraqi state and its political, economic and ethnic make up is analyzed in detail in order to demonstrate the threats it may pose to Turkish national security. The thesis looks at the links between the terrorist organization the PKK and the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq, as well as outlining mistakes of Turkish foreign policy in the region that have led to the current impasse. The Turkmen minority in Iraq, the status of Kirkuk and other disputed territories, as well as Iraqi and Kurdish legislation on Iraq’s energy resources are also analyzed. This thesis aims to draw a roadmap for Turkish foreign policy in the region that would avoid past mistakes and address security concerns for the future, while guaranteeing Iraq’s territorial integrity.Item Open Access Is it ripe yet? resolving Turkey’s 30 years of conflict with the PKK(Routledge, 2016) Ünal, M. C.Turkey has lately been in the midst of trying to resolve its three-decade old struggle with the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK). Elaborating on the history of this conflict, this study analyzes why previous attempts to resolve it failed and why other conflict-resolution opportunities were not taken until 2007. It devotes particular attention to the emergence and failure of the latest resolution process and analyzes prospects and challenges of a potential resolution by analyzing the context, content, and conduct of Turkey's latest peace attempt. This study finds, first, that the PKK has been open to a negotiated settlement since 1993, but the state regime rejected reconciliation and pursued unilateral military solutions until 2007, when Turkey finally recognized the military stalemate and costly deadlock. Second, it argues that what really forced Turkey to search for a resolution are—in addition to the hurting stalemate—recent national and regional power shifts, which have also destabilized the resolution process itself. Third, this study asserts that despite the ripe conditions for resolution, the context and the content of the latest process revealed crucial deficiencies that require a complete restructuring of the central government as well the need to develop greater institutionalization and social engagement for a potential conflict resolution. Finally, this study claims that the nature and characteristics of the current phase of the conflict, as they stand, indicate significant fragilities and spoiling risks due to both internal and external dynamics and actors, as recent developments have indicated in the failure of the latest resolution attempt. © 2015 Taylor & Francis.Item Open Access The original Turkish concerns about developments in Northern Iraq(2008) Choi, KwagnsooAfter the invasion of Iraq by the U.S., Iraq is undergoing significant transition that no one can predict the future perfectly. Such changes in Iraq will lead to the increasing concerns from neighboring countries including Turkey, Iran, and Arab states. Especially, there are historical, demographical, political and geostrategic contexts of Turkey‟s longstanding interests in the developments taking place in Iraq; treaties between Turkey and British related to Mosul that goes back to the 1920s, close cultural ties with Turkmen or Iraqi Turk who has lived in mostly northern Iraq, the direct threat of PKK who has stationed in northern Iraq to Turkey and an increased instability of security structure in Middle East. This thesis aims to elaborate the original Turkish concerns of developments in northern Iraq with political, demographical, political and geo-strategic dimensions by taking facts into considerations. Also, in accordance with the assessment of Turkish foreign policy about northern Iraq in particular since 1990s, it attempts to understand Turkish policies about northern Iraq.Item Restricted PKK ile mücadele kapsaminda Türkiye’de yer alan ilk sivil şehitlik: Derecik Şehitliği(Bilkent University, 2023) Baykal, Özge; Özdilek, Eda; Kangal, Tugay Eren; Kılıç, Hüseyin Kaan; Okyay, Arda28 Kasım 1978 tarihinde PKK’nın kurulmasından bu yana, özellikle 1980’lerden başlayarak Türkiye’nin başta Güneydoğu Bölgesi olmak üzere pek çok bölgesinde terör eylemleri gerçekleşmiştir. Bu eylemlerden bazıları köy ve karakol baskınları olarak kendini göstermiştir. Bu araştırma kapsamında bu köy ve karakol baskınlarına sıkça maruz kalmış olan Hakkari ilinin Derecik beldesinde gerçekleştirilen Derecik Baskını sonucu hayatını kaybedenlerin anısına inşa edilen Derecik Şehitliği incelenmiştir. Derecik Şehitliği, Derecik Baskınında hayatını kaybeden sivillerin anısına 34. Hudut Tugayı tarafından bölge halkının da desteğiyle yaptırılmış olan Türkiye’nin ilk sivil şehitliğidir. Derecik Şehitliği, bölge halkının olayda hayatını kaybeden yakınlarını anabilmesi açısından önemlidir.Item Open Access Terör bölgesi gazeteciliğine adanmiş bir yaşam: Şehnaz Kaplan(Bilkent University, 2021) Yılmaz, Atakan; Ordu, Ayşe Sude; Aktaş, Hazal Sude; Gedikoğlu, Zeynep; Kapaklıkaya, ZülalŞehnaz Kaplan, 1981-1990 yılları arasında Tercüman Gazetesi’nde görev almış bir terör bölgesi gazetecisiydi. Muhabirliğe ilk olarak Akdeniz Haber Ajansı’nda başladı. Sonrasında Tercüman Gazetesi’nin bu haber ajansını satın almasıyla ismi değişti. Muhabirlik yaptığı dönemde görev aldığı bölgeler, Türkiye’nin diğer bölgelerine nazaran terörle mücadelenin çok daha etkin olduğu ve bu mücadelenin halkta olan yansımalarının bizzat gözlemlenebildiği Doğu ve Güneydoğu Bölgeleri’ydi. Bir kadın olarak Türkiye’nin Doğu kesimlerinde yaptığı işe sıcak bakılmazken, terör bölgelerinde birçok gazetecinin görev yapmaya cesaret edemeyeceği yerlerde mesleğini alaylı olarak icra etti. Küçüklüğünden gelen gazetecilik hayalini gerçekleştirebilmek için üniversite okumak istese de, 1978-1979 yıllarında taşındığı yer olan Diyarbakır’da siyasi çalkantılar başladı ve devamında lise hayatını da etkiledi. Bu sebeple üniversiteyi kazanmak için gerekli olan eğitimi alamadı ve üniversiteyi kazanamadı. Fakat bu onun için bir engel teşkil etmedi ve belirttiği gibi alaylı olarak gazetecilik yaptı. 1990 yılında Tercüman Gazetesi’nin kapanması ile Ankara’ya taşınmaya karar verdi ve eğitim hayatında eksik gördüğü üniversiteyi tamamlamak istedi. 1995-1996 yılları içerisinde Ön Lisans Anadolu Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler bölümüne girdi ve oradan mezun oldu. Daha sonra lisansını da tamamlamak istese de evlendiği ve çocuğu olduğu için okulunu tamamlayamadı. 1996 yılında Meslek Odası’nda girdiği işte 18 yıl çalıştıktan sonra oradan emekli oldu.Item Open Access Turkey and the Kurdish Question: Last Exit before the Bridge(Brill Academic Publishers, 2016) Özpek, B. B.; Mutluer, O.The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government initiated a peace process with the Kurds in January 2013 to become the first government since 1984 to systematically negotiate with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) instead of using the military against them. Nevertheless, a bloody war restarted after AKP lost its majority in the parliament due to the Kurdish backed Peoples' Democratic Party's (HDP) success in the 7 June 2015 elections. In the coalition negotiation process, the AKP, which is under the strict control of Erdoǧan, did not make a serious offer to any of the opposition parties, and Erdoǧan did not mandate other parties to form a coalition government. Thus, holding a snap election remained the only option. Erdoǧan's strategy to attract the nationalist voters worked, and the AKP re-gained the overall majority in the parliament by receiving the nationalist votes again. Nevertheless, this was a Pyrrhic victory for the AKP. In addition to the domestic polarization, the new AKP government has needed to deal with the Kurdish Question, which has turned into armed conflict since the 7 June elections, along with re-formulating its relations with the allies of the PKK in Northern Syria and in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Furthermore, increasing activism in the ISIS issue and the "jet crisis" experienced with Russia seems to have complicated Turkey's foreign policy and compelled the AKP to revise its approach towards the Kurdish Question. © 2016 Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.Item Open Access Why religious people support ethnic insurgency? Kurds, religion and support for the PKK(Cambridge University Press, 2020) Karakoç, E.; Sarıgil, ZekiThis study challenges a dominant view that religion constrains the support for an ethnic insurgency. It argues that observing the discrepancy between religious brotherhood discourses of ethnic majority state and discrimination and inter-ethnic inequality in the social, political, and economic sphere as a result of the long-standing securitization of minority rights increase skepticism toward government among religious minorities. This long-term perception makes them receptive to the messages of an insurgent group that claims to fight for cultural and political rights of an ethnic minority. Utilizing two original public opinion surveys conducted in Turkey in 2011 and 2013, before and right after the peace talks between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party—The Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan (PKK), this study tests its hypotheses by taking the Kurdish conflict as a case study. The findings challenge the dominant paradigm that expects a negative relationship between religiosity and rebel support. Religious Kurds do not differ from non-religious ones in support for the formerly Marxist–Leninist PKK. Second, political and economic grievances matter; the perception among Kurds, of state discrimination and inter-ethnic economic inequality generates positive attitudes toward the PKK. Finally, the perception of inter-ethnic socioeconomic inequality amplifies support for the PKK among religious Kurds.