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Browsing by Subject "Kurdish issue"

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    Mitigating anti-Americanism in Turkey through public diplomacy
    (2007) Watson, Forrest
    Record-high anti-Americanism in Turkey goes deeper than the ongoing Iraq War. The build-up to and aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Turkey’s neighbor ignited preexisting sensitivities in Turkey due to its past relations with America and its own identity issues and fears. Turkey views the U.S. through the lenses of 1) an exaggerated view of American agency coupled with mistrust and 2) a reactionary phobia about threats to undermine the Turkish Republic. Seen through theses lenses, anti-Americanism is driven by a perception that America is supporting 1) Kurdish self-determination, which will lead to the eventual dismemberment of Turkey and 2) political Islam as a part of its broader plan for Middle East politics, which threatens to erode Turkey’s secular state. Because anti-Americanism is mostly based on distorted perceptions caused by the lenses, public diplomacy is an effective tool that should be utilized by the U.S. to bring about understanding with the Turkish public. If the politically-rooted anti- Americanism in Turkey continues, it will solidify into a view of the U.S. as a threatening power, squandering Turks’ natural affection for Americans. U.S. public diplomacy for Turkey can be improved by Washington and the U.S. Embassy in Ankara by acting from an understanding of the uniqueness of Turkey and the reasons that drive its anti-Americanism. Reinvigorated public diplomacy offers hope for strengthening a relationship that is in the best interests of both Turkey and America.
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    Reconsidering hybridity : the selective use of international norms in Turkey’s resolution/peace process
    (2019-01) Dilek, Esra
    This study examines the diffusion of international peacebuilding norms in the case of Turkey’s resolution/peace process for solving the Kurdish issue (2009-2015) as a case of peace process in the absence of top-down design through a third party. The study builds on the limitations of current research on hybridity that focuses on the interaction of international and local norms and practices in peace processes designed and implemented by international actors such as the United Nations and donor organizations. The study calls for broadening and deepening the hybridity debate by investigating the dynamics of local agency in a case where the top-down design of the peace process is absent. Drawing on 34 in-depth open-ended interviews with high and middle level actors in the peace process in Turkey and data collected through the media statements of primary actors, this study argues that in the absence of top-down design of the peace process, the dynamics of hybridization are different, as, actors have greater freedom for promoting their own perspectives on peace process design. This study finds that in the Turkish case we discern ‘hybridity by design’, defined as the strategies used by local actors to support and promote peace process perspectives by selectively adopting and/or rejecting international norms, ideas, and practices to legitimize their own position in the absence of top-down design of the peace process. The Turkish case points to further findings on conflict resolution expertise sharing and its impact on the diffusion of norms and practices in peace processes in the absence of top-down imposition.
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    Reflections upon contemporary Turkish democracy : a Rawlsian perspective
    (2009) Yıldız, Necip
    In this dissertation, John Rawls’ ‘justice as fairness’ is applied to contemporary Turkey and used as a framework to reflect upon democratization process in Turkey. In order to substantiate how Rawls’ political liberalism and justice as fairness are related to democratization process in general, and to Turkish democratization in particular, first, the possible relations between Rawls’ conceptualization of ‘constitutional consensus,’ ‘overlapping consensus,’ and the basic concepts in the democratization literature are analyzed. It is argued that the initial stage of ‘constitutional consensus’ on democratic procedures (being only a modus vivendi) corresponds to ‘democratic transition.’ On the other hand, it is argued that the finalized stage of constitutional consensus corresponds to ‘minimalist’ and ‘negative’ democratic consolidation. Finally, it is claimed that ‘overlapping consensus’ corresponds to ‘maximalist’ and ‘positive’ democratic consolidation. When we apply these concepts to the Turkish case, it is seen that Turkey displays certain attitudinal and behavioral deficiencies in terms of meeting all the conditions of a ‘constitutional consensus’ by which democratic procedures would supposedly be secured; however, it is also argued that Turkey is moving closer to a ‘constitutional consensus’ as the major groups in Turkey gradually adhere to these procedures. In this regard, Turkey is depicted as a ‘borderline’ case in terms of meeting the conditions of a ‘constitutional consensus,’ which is also supported by Turkey’s recent Freedom House ratings that denote a borderline situation. With respect to the possibility of forming an ‘overlapping consensus’ in the longer run in Turkey, four major issues are addressed in the study: basic rights and liberties, social justice, secularism, and the Kurdish issue. Rawls’ veil of ignorance and two principles of justice are applied to these four issues, and their implications are discussed. It is argued that equality, reciprocity, and the use of public reason would be crucial in terms of forming an overlapping consensus on these issues. Another central issue discussed in the dissertation is the issue of socio-economic modernization that is taken for granted in Rawls’ writings, and Turkey’s opportunities for consolidating its democracy in the coming years with reference to socio-economic modernization. Based on the empirical findings of modernization theory, it is argued that Turkey’s rising income and human development levels might serve to facilitate democratic development in Turkey. It is claimed that higher levels of socio-economic development, possibly enhanced by Turkey’s EU-based reforms, might create a more conducive environment for further democratic reforms, as a result of which Rawls’ peculiar political liberalism could become gradually more applicable and more likely to be realized in Turkey. It is also argued that a more just distribution of income and wealth, which might possibly be realized through a ‘property-owning democracy,’ would be more conducive to democratic consolidation in Turkey.
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    Religion and ethno-nationalism: Turkey's Kurdish issue
    (John Wiley & Sons, 2013) Sarıgil, Zeki; Fazlıoğlu, Ömer
    One approach within the Islamic camp treats Islam, which emphasizes overarching notions such as the 'Islamic brotherhood' and 'ummah', as incompatible with ethno-nationalist ideas and movements. It is, however, striking that in the last decades, several Islamic and conservative groups in Turkey have paid increasing attention to the Kurdish issue, supporting their ethnic demands and sentiments. Even more striking, the leftist, secular Kurdish ethno-nationalists have adopted a more welcoming attitude toward Islam. How can we explain such intriguing developments and shifts? Using original data derived from several elite interviews and a public opinion survey, this study shows that the struggle for Kurdish popular support and legitimacy has encouraged political elites from both camps to enrich their ideological toolbox by borrowing ideas and discourses from each other. Further, Turkish and Kurdish nationalists alike utilize Islamic discourses and ideas to legitimize their competing nationalist claims. Exploring such issues, the study also provides theoretical and policy implications. © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2013.
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    Who supports secession? The determinants of secessionist attitudes among Turkey's Kurds
    (Wiley-Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2016) Sarigil, Z.; Karakoc, E.
    Who supports secession in a multiethnic country? What factors lead to secessionist or separatist attitudes? Despite the substantial interest in secessionist movements, the micro-level factors and dynamics behind mass support for secession have been understudied. Using original and comprehensive data derived from two public opinion surveys, conducted in 2011 and 2013 with nationwide, representative samples, this study investigates the determinants of separatist attitudes among Turkey's Kurds. The empirical results show that perceptions of discrimination, ideological factors (i.e. a left-right division and partisanship), region and religious sect do affect support for secession. Our findings provide strong support for the grievance theory and, further, show that ideology is an important factor. However, the results call into question arguments drawing attention to the role of modernisation (i.e. socio-economic status) and of religiosity. The study also discusses some practical implications of the empirical findings. © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2016.
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    Wise People Commission through national press representations: a peace journalism analysis
    (2020-12) Aytemiz, Öykü Deniz
    Inclusivity in peace processes is a norm that aims to engage marginalized actors and issues at different stages of a peace process. Previous studies show that inclusivity can contribute to the building of sustainable peace through creating transparency and accountability, garnering public support, and addressing legitimacy gaps. Through its agenda-setting power and mass communication platform, the media can enhance these functions of inclusivity and support the creation of a democratic debate that involves different segments of society. Based on this, this study analyzes how the national press in Turkey represented the activities and meetings of the Wise People Commission, which was a consultative inclusion mechanism that aimed to build a bridge between the public and negotiation parties in the peace process of Turkey (2009-2015). In order to do this analysis, this study uses a coding scheme based on Johan Galtung‟s peace and war journalism framework; and finds that peace journalism is overall more dominant in the sample of five daily national newspapers. The findings also suggest that rather than a conscious and knowledgeable peace journalism approach that can support the expected benefits of inclusivity, the news in the sample had a truth-based journalism approach that is driven by political party positions of the newspapers. The elite oriented representation of WPC suggests that the press discourse itself was exclusive to high politics, and this can be detrimental to the functions of inclusivity. Thus, the media debate around the Kurdish issue can be expanded in order to contribute to sustainable peace.

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