Browsing by Subject "EU"
Now showing 1 - 13 of 13
- Results Per Page
- Sort Options
Item Open Access British policy towards Cyprus and the Cyprus question, 1878-2005(2005) Şar, CelalThis master’s thesis aims to analyze British policy towards Cyprus and the Cyprus question in the period of 1878 to 2005. British policy towards Cyprus is mainly for military aspects. Cyprus has an importance for Britain, as it has SBAs in the island especially for intelligence, communication. British policy is directed more towards the external circumstances than the internal affairs in Cyprus, such as considering Soviet threat. Britain also considers its role in the UN and EU. The most important international organizations such as EU and UN continue to be involved with the Cyprus Question. Britain, as a former colonial power in Cyprus continues its policy towards Cyprus in the UN and US with the aim of not losing its military sovereignty over any solution appropriate for the other states.Item Open Access Cooperative security in the Black Sea region(2003) Şenol, ÖzkanDuring the Cold War years, the Black Sea was treated as a barrier and borderline rather than an integral part of the European politics. With the end of the Cold War, The Black Sea area emerged as a region on the physical and intellectual map of Europe with its political, economical, and military dynamics. This thesis is a study on the role of cooperative initiatives to increase security in the Black Sea region within the framework of cooperative security. It aims to analyze the cooperative security efforts in the region with a certain emphasis on the post-Cold War developments. This study argues that the strategic importance of the Black Sea region to the West, and to Europe in particular has increased substantially in recent years. Provided the region’s geostrategic position as a natural link between Europe and Asia, and between Central Asia and the Middle East, it constitutes a vital trade link as well as an important area of transit. Moreover, instability and potential for conflict in the region, its energy sources, and its economic prospects matter to the international community. At the same time this study argues that the BSEC, GUUAM, and BLACKSEAFOR as main regional cooperative initiatives have contributed to the peace, security and stability of the Black Sea region with their various activities. It evaluates that the OSCE, NATO, and the EU as wider European organizations have played an important role in projecting security and stability to the region through their various mechanismsItem Open Access EU energy security behavior : exploring the central motivation(2007) Balaban, GökçeThis thesis aims to understand energy security behavior of the EU in the light of two IR theoretical stances: rationalism-neo-realism and constructivism. In order to do that, the study targets the question: “What is the central motivation of EU energy security policies- norms or interests- and how the different IR theories of rationalism-neo-realism and constructivism can interpret EU energy security policies differently”. Power and wealth being the most crucial, interest-based policies refer to the efforts that will promote the material interests, disregarding the normative considerations. Norm-based policies, on the other hand, represent the policies which are resulted from the identity, norms and political culture, and which are sometimes taken at the expense of the material interests. Thus, this thesis proposes two contradictory impulses- interests and norms- for EU energy security behaviour, and tries to understand which one is dominant in energy security decision-making process. Relying on official EU documents and on literature works, this study reaches to the conclusion that in environmental topics, the EU is strongly committed to the norms. However, in the topics considering the supply security such as guaranteeing the present and future energy supplies, and energy diversification- the EU follows more interest-based policies. In conclusion, although the EU is the most committed actor to environmental protection in the world, a fully normative approach is still lacking in EU energy security behavior.Item Open Access EU foreign policy and ‘perceived coherence’: the case of Kosovo(Routledge, 2018-10-11) Mutluer, D.; Tsarouhas, DimitriTo what extent has the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy been coherent in the Western Balkans? Moreover, is EU policy behaviour seen as coherent by local stakeholders? Such questions are of high significance regarding the role of the EU as an external actor and with regard to the Western Balkans in particular. This article assesses EU policy coherence in the case of Kosovo, focusing on the latter’s EU accession prospects and the EU rule of law mission EULEX. Introducing the novel concept of ‘perceived coherence’, the paper argues that EU policies and actors are not perceived as coherent by both local elites and civil society organizations. As a result, the effectiveness of the implementation of the Union’s foreign policy in Kosovo remains low.Item Open Access Globalisation and/or Europeanisation? the case of flexicurity(Routledge, 2013) Tsarouhas, D.; Ladi, S.The relationship between globalisation and Europeanisation is conventionally studied by focusing on the domestic level. In this article we explore this relationship at the international level instead. We examine the way in which the two phenomena in the form of the ILO and the EU relate to one another. Adopting a discursive institutionalist approach and focusing on flexicurity, we investigate whether, how and under what conditions the discourse on flexicurity provides a point of convergence or divergence between globalisation and Europeanisation. Our empirical data reveals attempts by the European Commission to use globalisation as a legitimating device for a market-accommodating programme for labour market reform. The ILO remains more sceptical, both about the overall effects of globalisation and the more concrete uses of flexicurity. Meanwhile, the concept of flexicurity is subject to change and rearticulation in line with the evolving policy agenda endorsed by the Commission and/or the member states. The relationship between Europe and globalisation is thus far from neutral. 'Europe' is active in shaping globalisation; translated into the work undertaken here, Europeanisation could be conceived as a facet of globalisation rather than as a bulwark to it, or merely as a process running parallel to it.Item Open Access Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu'nun yeniden açılması(Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, 2008) Yalçın, EmrullahOrtodokslar arasında teolojik konular, kurallar ve ibadet şekli açısından birlik sağlamak amacıyla 1 Ekim 1844'te Patrikhaneye bağlı olarak hizmete açılan Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti dönemlerinde Fener Rum Patrikhanesinin, diğer bağlı metropolitlikler ve kiliselerin din adamı ihtiyacını karşılamıştır. 1971 yılında özel üniversitelere "devlet denetiminde olma" şartını getiren Anayasa Mahkemesinin kararına uymak istemeyen Patrikhane, Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu'nun Teoloji Bölümünü kapatmayı tercih ederek, 1971-1972 öğretim yılından itibaren Heybeliada Özel Rum Erkek Lisesi olarak faaliyetlerini sürdürmüştür. Devlet, düzenleyici kurum olma vasfından hareketle eğitim öğretim faaliyetlerinin devlet gözetiminde ve denetiminde yapılmasına karar vermiştir. Devlet denetiminin Patrikhane tarafından kabul edilmemesi nedeniyle, Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu şimdiye kadar açılamamıştır. Patrikhane aslında, kendisine has bir ayrıcalık talep ederek okulun kendi denetiminde, yabancı öğrenci ve öğretmen kabul edecek şekilde yeniden açılmasını istemektedir. Patrikhanenin Ekümeniklik iddialarıyla da örtüşen bu istek, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti yasalarına olduğu gibi Lozan Antlaşması 'nin ruhuna ve uluslararası diğer sözleşmelere aykırı bir imtiyaz talebi niteliğindedir. Türkiye, Ruhban Okulu konusunda laiklik, eşitlik ve Lozan'da belirtilen "karşılıklılık" ilkesi ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kanunları çerçevesinde hareket etmektedir. Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu 'nun yeniden açılması meselesi, Patrikhanenin girişimleri nedeniyle Türkiye'nin iç meselesi olmaktan çıkarak uluslararası alanda tartışılmaya başlanmış ve Türkiye üzerine çok boyutlu baskılara dönüşmüştür. Özellikle Türkiye'nin AB'ye giriş sürecinde, AB kriterleri olarak dayatılan Heybeliada Ruhban Okulu'nun açılmasına müsaade edilmesi durumunda, diğer dinî okulların açılmasına da örnek teşkil edeceği, bu durumun laik Türkiye açısından sonradan çözülemeyecek bir çok sorunu beraberinde getireceği muhakkaktır. Bu nedenle; çözüm arayışlarında tarihî gerçeklerin göz ardı edilmemesi gerekmektedir.Item Open Access Military and democracy in Turkey and Algeria : the success or failure of the EU's Mediterranean policy(2003) Çelenk, Ayşe AslıhanThis thesis analyzes the relationship between the militaries and democratization in Algeria and Turkey within the context of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Turkey and Algeria are the two countries which have a history of military's involvement in politics and whose armies are in an important position in terms of their political influence. In the thesis, the military-democracy relationship in Turkey and Algeria is incorporated into the framework of Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the impacts of the Mediterranean policy of the EU over this relationship are analyzed by dealing with its basic premises, strengths and weaknesses in terms of promoting the establishment of democratic control over the militaries in the region.Item Open Access Minimum resale price maintenance in EU in the aftermath of the US leegin decision(Springer New York LLC, 2016) Hazıroğlu, E. C.; Gökatalay, S.Leegin decision of the Supreme Court in 2007 affirmed that minimum RPM was to be evaluated under the rule of reason henceforth. Conversely, minimum RPM retains its position as a hard-core restraint in EU’s BER 2010 and the De Minimis Notice. The limited amount of case law reveal that in the absence of certain factors, such as significant market power of the parties, minimum RPM is unlikely to result in the detriment of consumers. Consequently, despite the retention of the maintenance of the single market as a significant aim in EU competition policy, minimum RPM practices are entitled to a more lenient approach, if the ultimate aim is to attain consumer welfare as stated by the Commission and through most judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union. © 2015, Springer Science+Business Media New York.Item Open Access The politics of austerity and public policy reform in the EU(Sage Publications Ltd., 2014-04-07) Ladi, S.; Tsarouhas D.The European Union (EU) is at a critical juncture that will either trigger further integration or reinforce a mode of intergovernmental cooperation. The spread of market pressure to a growing number of states demonstrates that the crisis needs to be dealt with at the European and not just the national level. Up to now the 'politics of extreme austerity' has been the mainstream recipe promoted to and adopted by member states. The measures are tougher in those countries where there has been external financial assistance (i.e. Greece, Portugal and Ireland) but the rest of Europe is following suit (e.g. Italy and the UK). This introduction outlines the key directions of EU reforms to put into context the more specific cases discussed elsewhere in this symposium. The strengths and weaknesses of the theoretical frameworks employed in the articles are discussed to demonstrate the lessons that the crisis offers for our well-established public policy models and to highlight avenues for further research. Two main arguments are advanced: first, the crisis calls for an interdisciplinary approach to comprehend its full extent and deal with it efficiently; and second, the current political trajectory of the EU calls for urgent changes to strengthen its cohesion and long-term viability.Item Open Access The role of the European Union in the solution of the Cyprus dipute in the light of the United Nations-Led settlement efforts(2008) Onat, Ayşe ElçinThis thesis aims to explore the role of the EU in the settlement of the Cyprus dispute in the light of the UN-led settlement efforts whether it is a failure and targets to fınd out the basic reasons, if it is a failure. The EU membership of the Greek Cypriotcontrolled “Republic of Cyprus”, on behalf of the whole island, has changed the dynamics of the dispute by deepening the island’s economic and political division in favour of the Greek side. Moreover, the settlement proposals of the UN, EU and Turkish side differ in the sense that while the two organizations support a bi-zonal and bicommunal federal state, the Turkish side insists on the recognition of the TRNC in exchange for its unification with the Greek Cypriots. Although the parties’ EU integration prospects can contribute to a compromise, illegality of the EU membership of the GCA according to the 1960 system, misperceptions of the EU related to the parties’ expectations, partiality and incredibility of the EU policies and ineffectiveness of its policy methods have led the Union’s failure. Relying on official UN and EU documents, on historical and legal facts and on literature works, this thesis reaches to the conclusion that the EU’s success in contributing to a permanent solution in the Cyprus dispute has been very limited contrary to the expectations from it.Item Open Access Turkey’s legislative reforms to address violence against women, and the EU: uphill struggles, hard-won achievements and a promising ally.(Palgrave Macmillan, 2020-09-30) Özdemir Sarıgil, BurcuThis chapter investigates Turkey’s legislative reforms addressing the issue of violence against women (VAW) with a particular focus on the role of the EU. Considering the persistent domestic advocacy and the multiplicity of external factors/actors (e.g., the UN, Council of Europe and EU) that would potentially contribute to the reform process since the 1990s, the study asks if, when and how the EU actually has become a causal factor for domestic change. The chapter finds that in the adoption of the first-ever law addressing VAW (Law No. 4320) in 1998, the EU has no clear presence in the domestic context of reform. Gender equality reforms in the early 2000s and the adoption of the most comprehensive law addressing VAW (Law No. 6284) coincided with the EU accession process in Turkey. During this period, the EU gradually improved its engagement, facilitated the reform process by utilising two pathways of influence, namely conditionality (interest-driven pathway) and capacity building (norm-driven pathway). As with this new approach, the EU intermingled well with the domestic advocacy and proved that it could be an ever-promising ally of women and the women’s movement in Turkey.Item Open Access Turkey-EU relations and it's future(2004) Yaycıoğlu, ZeynepThis thesis analyzes the process of both the European integration process from the beginning till now and the Turkey- EU relations. It also analyzes the existing situation in die lights of the past and gives knowledge to the readers the developments that had happened throughout this long process. In addition, it tries to make anticipations about the future of European Union and Turkey- EU relations.Item Open Access The Turkish political economy after the 2000-2001 financial crises : an unusual chapter written by the first Justice and Development Party government(2007) Afşar, EmreThis thesis analyzes the five-year period of the Turkish political economy following the 2000-2001 financial crises. This five-year period signifies an important point of departure from the classical Turkish political economy as stable and rapid growth was sustained for over twenty consecutive quarters. The strong commitment to the fiscal discipline and to the powerful external anchors such as the IMF and EU were key to this success. The central question is what motivated the JDP government to show this longlasting commitment to the fiscal discipline and the external anchors particularly to the IMF-induced economic programs. Growing ties with the global economy, the new institutional framework, the new balance of power within the networks shaping the Turkish political economy and the successful implementation of the JDP’s prudent political economy agenda are the four plausible explanations for the central question. Each of these explanations is elaborated in a separate chapter and the growing ties with the global economy prevail as the most competent explanation since it directly contributes to the emerging of the other three explanations.