Browsing by Subject "Democratization"
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Item Open Access An action research report on the rising democracy discourse in 2000's Turkey: does Eros contour the demos?(Elsevier, 2007) Cindoglu, D.; Boynukara, A.; Akyuz, S.; Bekaroğlu, E. A.This article conceptualizes gender equity and sexual liberty issues that most of the literature on democracy and democratization in Turkey fails to address. The major focus of the article is on the convergent and divergent positions of the rising democratization discourse in contemporary Turkey. When the democratization discourses of different political groups are analyzed, we see that the convergent points consist of legal and constitutional changes that aim at political and economic liberalization, while the divergent points include liberalization in the private sphere and engaging in gender equity and sexual liberty issues. Therefore, we argue that it is crucial to analyze gender equity and sexual liberty issues with more dynamic concepts such as globalization and the EU accession process of Turkey rather than the essentialist ones like Islam.Item Open Access Bringing them together : Turkish-American relations and Turkish democracy, 1945-1950(2005) Kayaoğlu, BarınAt certain times, the U.S. has been a complementary player in helping different countries to democratize without interfering in the affairs of the host country. During the Cold War, this policy owed to Washington’s anti-Communist disposition. Most of the time, anti-Communism, freedom, and democracy were used interchangeably. This thesis talks about such a case where the U.S. kept a close eye on the transition to democracy, namely Turkey from 1945 until 1950. Primary U.S. policy towards Turkey at the onset of the Cold War was to keep the Soviet Union out. Meanwhile, Turkish leaders’ democratic credentials, particularly those of Atatürk and İnönü, were the triggering factors for democratization. Treating the two traditionally separate phenomena, however, needs to be reconsidered. The thesis will look at the historical record to analyze how Turkish democratization was a factor in the relations between the U.S. and Turkey at the beginning of the Cold War. Contrary to expectations, the U.S. did not exert pressure on Turkey to democratize as Turkey moved steadily on that path. Also interestingly, Turkish statesmen and intellectuals saw democracy and the U.S. partnership as the manifestation of their modernization and Westernization. This point offers itself as another building block for the thesis.Item Open Access Civilianization in Greece versus "demilitarization" in Turkey: a comparative study of civil-military relations and the impact of the European Union(Sage Publications, Inc., 2006) Duman, Ö.; Tsarouhas D.The civil-military-relations literature has long concentrated on domestic factors in explaining the relationship between civilians and the military. This article concentrates on the effect of an external actor, the European Union (EU), on civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey. The main findings reveal that the two countries shared similar characteristics until the mid-1970s. However, their path of civil-military relations diverged considerably as soon as Greece's EU membership prospect became tangible. While in the Greek case, "civilianization" took place, Turkey had witnessed a mere "demilitarization" of its regime. However, the article also shows how EU membership paves the way for the improvement of civil-military relations in the Turkish case. © 2006, Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society. All rights reserved.Item Open Access De Facto states and inter-state military conflicts(2010) Özpek, Burak BilgehanThe end of the Cold War has given rise to the number of non-state political actors such as de facto states. While scholarly attention has been given to the concept of sovereignty and to empirical analyses of de facto statehood, de facto states as influential non-state political actors remained theoretically under-studied. This dissertation tackles the research question of how an issue that de facto states causes affects the likelihood of conflict between a parent and an external state. I examine the “opportunity and willingness” pre-theoretical framework of Most and Starr (1989) in order to comprehend how de facto states cause inter-state military conflict. I argue that the process of fighting for de facto statehood and the outcome of becoming a de facto state both create opportunity for the parent and external states. Moreover, internal dynamics in a state are important to understand whether the states are willing to exploit the interaction opportunity de facto states generate. I especially examine regime type and levels of democracy in parent, external and de facto states and argue that when these are all democracies, v likelihood of militarized disputes decrease. Using the comparative method and most similar systems design, I analyze two cases: Kurdistan Regional Government, Iraq, Turkey and South Ossetia, Georgia, Russia. Both cases support the arguments of the dissertation. I conclude with a brief summary and implications of the findings for future scholarship.Item Open Access Friends no more? the rise of Anti-American nationalism in Turkey(Middle East Institute, 2010) Grigoriadis, I. N.This article examines the rise of anti-American nationalism in Turkey. While Turkish public opinion has developed strong views against a set of foreign policies furthered by the United States, recent findings allude to the development of an emerging anti-US bias in large segments of Turkish society. The deterioration of the US image in Turkey could be considered a result of the recent US involvement in the Middle East, as well as socio-political shifts inherent to Turkey's democratization process. © Middle East Institute.Item Open Access Globalization, civil society and citizenship in Turkey: actors, boundaries and discourses(Routledge, 2003) Keyman, E. F.; Icduygu, A.In recent years, civil society has become one of the most important concerns of academic and public discourse. It would not be a mistake to propose that today there is a strong, effective and even over-glorified talk about and a global agenda for civil society and its role in the process of creating a better and humane world. In this talk and agenda the main intention is to reinvigorate and strengthen civil society politically, organizationally and normatively as a counter- hegemonic and resistance movement against the state-centric world. This paper argues that Turkey does not constitute an exception in this context. Rather, it provides an illuminating case-study in which the crisis of the state-centric modernity has given rise to the elevation of civil society to the status of being an exteremely important actor and arena for the democratization of the state-society relations. However, on the basis of the three-year-long research (1999-2002) we have done on 'the impacts of globalization on Turkey', the paper also argues that the role of civil society in the process of democratization should be considered a necessary but not a sufficient condition, insofar as it contains both democratic and essentialist discourses about citizenship and identity. In order to substantiale these arguments, the paper will first outline the internal and external factors that have paved the way to the emergence and the increasing importance of civil society in Turkey, and then will shift its attention to the question of 'the use and the abuse of civil society'. In seeking a proper answer to this question, the paper will focus on the discourses and strategies of different civil society organizations about state, society, citizenship and identity in Turkey.Item Open Access The impact of constitutions on democratization : cases of Hungary and Bulgaria(2002) Elbasani, AroldaThis study seeks to analyze the correlation between constitutions and democratization by comparing the cases of Hungary and Bulgaria. It suggests that the democratic credentials of constitutions are dependent to the constitution–making factors and processes, constitutional design as well as the implementation process. Both countries under study have adopted new constitutions to cope with the process of democratization. The new constitutions became a crucial asset to democratization to the extent they were indispensable in structuring the new governments and spelling out a catalogue of basic rights. They imparted the political systems with the fundamental characteristics of the democratic regimes, but lack of respect for the rule of law among the governing elites puts into question the whole project of democratization. Thus, constitutions can induce institutional incentives that smooth the process of democratization, but they by themselves can not produce a workable democracy. Democratization is a multifaceted project, which extends beyond the constitutional impact. Respect for the rule of law seems to be the missing chain and the future challenge of democratization.Item Open Access The impact of democratization on foreign policy the rise and fall of the Turkish-Israeli alliance(2012) Erpul, OnurGlobalization is affecting state behavior in different ways. The purpose of this study is to understand the ways in which changes in the domestic structures of torn states due to democratization and decentralization and how these affect alliance behavior. By analyzing the Turkish-Israeli alliance through a longitudinal comparative case study comparing system level and state level variables in the 1990s and in the AKP period, the research argues that democratization, which empowers new elites and enables them to articulate and pursue alternative national agendas, leads to unpredictable alliance behavior. The findings suggest that purely systemic theories are not sufficient to address alliances in the contemporary world. Furthermore, the findings also suggest that globalization may be aggravating international anarchy.Item Open Access Inter-ethnic (In)tolerance between Turks and Kurds: Implications for Turkish Democratisation(Routledge, 2017) Sarigil, Z.; Karakoc, E.Using public opinion survey data, this study investigates the determinants of inter-ethnic (in)tolerance among Turks and Kurds in Turkey. Our empirical analyses show that, compared with Turks, Kurds have a relatively higher level of tolerance towards the ethnic out-group. Our findings also suggest that different dynamics and factors mould Turks’ and Kurds’ tolerance towards ethnic out-group members. Religiosity, (ethno)nationalist orientations, inter-ethnic contact, threat perception and economic factors are the most consistent variables shaping Turks’ tolerance towards Kurds. In contrast, religion-related factors and inter-ethnic social contact do not have a statistically significant effect on Kurds’ tolerance towards Turks. (Ethno)nationalist orientations, however, appear to reduce Kurds’ tolerance. © 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Item Open Access Islam and democratization in Turkey: secularism and trust in a divided society(Routledge, 2009) Grigoriadis, I. N.The history of Turkish modernization has been inextricably linked with the question of secularism. From the advent of the Turkish Republic in 1923, Islam was held responsible for the underdevelopment and eventual demise of the Ottoman Empire. Based on the laïcité of the Second French Republic, the secularization programme of modern Turkey's founder, Kemal Atatürk, entailed the full subjugation of Islam to the State, its eradication from the public sphere and its limitation into a very narrowly defined private sphere. The transition of Turkey to multiparty politics in 1946 was linked with a rising role of Islam in the public sphere. Islam became a crucial element in the political vocabulary of peripheral political forces which challenged the supremacy of the secularist, Kemalist bureaucratic elite. While a number of military coups aimed - among other things - to control religion, Turkish political Islam showed remarkable resilience and adaptability. Most recently, the transformation of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) into the strongest proponent of Turkey's European Union (EU) integration brought Turkey closer than ever to EU membership, challenged the monopoly which the Kemalist elite enjoyed as the representative of Western political values and suggested a novel liberal version of secularism. Yet Turkey has been embroiled since 2007 in successive political crises which had secularism as their focal point. This article argues that the transformation of Turkish political Islam has produced an alternative, liberal version of secularism; yet, it has not resolved deep social divisions. Building a liberal consensus between religious conservatives and secularists is imperative for the resolution of deep social divisions in Turkey. The European Union as a guarantor and initiator of reform could play a major role in building trust between the secularist and the religious conservative segments of society. © 2009 Taylor & Francis.Item Open Access Parliamentary immunity in democratizing countries: the case of Turkey(The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009) Wigley, S.This article examines the effect that shielding elected representatives from criminal law might have in those countries that are undergoing democratization. Parliamentary immunity helps to compensate for any shortfall in the human rights enjoyed by ordinary citizens and provides elected representatives with the protection necessary to rectify that shortfall. However, the immunity may also protect subversive advocacy, rights violations and political corruption. Turkey provides an illuminating case study of those challenges to parliamentary immunity. Drawing on the Turkish experience, it is argued that methods other than exposing parliamentarians to criminal prosecution should be used to counter those problems.Item Open Access The reform-security dilemma in democratic transitions: the Turkish experience as model?(Routledge, 2013) Aydinli, E.In considering the future of budding Middle Eastern democracies, past experience and scholarship show that a possible outcome for even the most "successful" ones is some form of imperfect democracy. Based within the literature on democratic transitions and hybrid regimes, this article explores possible factors leading to such outcomes. It focuses in particular on reform/security dilemmas, and the resulting evolution of dual state structures, in which an unelected and often authoritarian state establishment coexists with democratic institutions and practices, for example, in countries like Russia, Iran, or Pakistan. Much of the literature views such duality as an impasse, and thus considers these countries as trapped within this "hybridness" - discouraging news both for currently defined "hybrid regimes" and for countries like Egypt and Tunisia, which are now launching democratization processes. To better understand the nature and evolution of such regimes, this article looks at the case of Turkey, first tracing the rise and consolidation of the Turkish inner state, generally equated with the Turkish armed forces. It then looks at the apparent diminishing and integration of the inner state through pacts and coalitions among both civilian and military elements, and calls into question whether the pessimistic view of permanent illiberalness is inevitable. © 2013 © 2013 Taylor & Francis.Item Open Access Relating Turkey to the Middle East and North Africa: Arab Spring and the Turkish experience(Ahmet Yesevi University, 2012) Kireçci, M. AkifIn this article, I analyze the extent to which Turkish experience provided and continues to provide a model for democratization in North Africa and the Middle East (MENA). Using the 2011 (Arab Spring) mass movements, and the resulting shifts from autocratic regimes toward democratic ones, I argue that the Turkish experience offered a framework for MENA countries to address radical tendencies. The promise of the Turkish model existed despite the categorical rejection of protest by Turkish authorities. Features of the Turkish model that appeal to the regimes in transition include its experience with parliamentary democracy, the successful shift from a limited economy controlled by elites to an open market system, and a turn from French-style secularism to a more flexible and inclusive model. In addition, Turkey's successful exit from a military tutelage demonstrated that a mild and peaceful transition away from autocracy is possible. I also argue that, based on recent experiences, Turkey should exercise caution regarding its new regional power: Defense of democratic culture and regional cooperation have already created difficulties as Turkey seeks to build global influence and maintain friendly relationships with its neighboring countries. Nevertheless, Turkish policymakers must continue to develop proactive and consistent policies towards the MENA region, in order to preserve the legitimacy built over the last decade. Finally, if democratization and development are major goals for the transitioning MENA countries, I conclude that the models employed matter less than the speed at which goals are achieved.Item Open Access Security first approach : causes of security prioritization and implication of this prioritization on democracy in the cases of Singapore and Azerbaijan(2009) Alkış, NurThe security-democracy relationship is an interesting issue that has drawn scholarly attention. The security first approach is a new input in the field. It looks the issue from the Western foreign policy perspective and discusses what should be done by Western powers in the failed and rogue states to build security and democracy. It claims that first security must be established, and then democracy would gradually consolidate, rather than democracy promotion. Such a shift in Western foreign policy would have significant impact for the developing world, facing the challenge of political-economic development and security-democracy building at the same time. This thesis aims to apply security first approach to developing world. It analyzes the causes of security prioritization and implications of this prioritization on democracy, in the cases of Singapore and Azerbaijan to verify the security first approach’s claims. Both of these countries have applied a security first approach after they gained independence. They have also established some democratic institutional and legal structures. However, the worry of the ruling elites about losing security and power led them constantly delay democratization and restrict political arena. The governments of both cases have been successful in maintaining security and stability, yet this did not give way to the gradual triumph of democracy as argued by security first approach. Western cooperation with the governments of these countries, due to the formers’ interest in the stability of both countries and regimes can be argued to have contributed to the security of the states and their ruling elites, but not to the democratization process and the security of the people. Hence, the thesis argues that the discussion in the Western foreign policy should not be about security versus democracy, but rather about striving for security and democracy concurrently in the developing world.Item Open Access Tracking the development of the Emery-Trist systems paradigm (ETSP)(Kluwer Academic Publishers-Plenum Publishers, 1992) Babüroğlu, O. N.This paper is written to accomplish two objectives: first, to introduce the Emery-Trist systems paradigm to the critical systems thinking, a largely neglected and under-utilized paradigm; second using a critical systems thinking framework, to provide a rational justification in an attempt to track the developments in the ETSP so that an extended heuristic map is offered to the scholars interested in the Emery-Trist systems paradigm. Four tracks within ETSP are identified and analyzed to produce a liberation theme that has not previously been articulated. The liberation theme imminent in all four tracks of the paradigm development denotes the value and the promise of the ETSP to the critical systems thinking community as well as to other systems thinkers. © 1992 Plenum Publishing Corporation.Item Open Access Transformation of the Turkish military and the path to democracy(Sage Publications, Inc., 2008-04) Satana, N. S.Democratization scholars argue that Turkey has successfully transitioned to democracy and is consolidating liberal democracy. The political elite and the parties are deemed important factors in crafting democracies. However, the Turkish political leadership has not changed much until recently; therefore, it remains a puzzle why consolidation is taking place. There are two explanations: (1) there is no consolidation of democracy (2) a factor other than the turnover in political elite/change in the political system has led to consolidation. I argue that consolidation is in progress because of the lengthy but persistent transformation of the military in Turkey. I examine previously overlooked changes in Turkish military with respect to its structure and its relations to the society. I find that the change in the military contributes to the consolidation of democracy in Turkey, and other transitional democracies. As with any other institutional change, this process is slow and risky.Item Open Access Turkey's foreign policy activism: vision continuity and reality checks(Routledge, 2014) Grigoriadis, I. N.It is argued in this study that Turkey's ambition to play a key regional role and become a global actor is not novel. There have been at least two similar initiatives in recent history which defended Turkey's extraordinary strategic potential and aspired to put it into the heart of global politics. What has, however, been indeed novel and has lent credibility to the whole experiment is Turkey's recent economic dynamism and political reforms. While such a trend is indeed reasonable, Turkey's claims for a global strategic role and a value-based foreign policy may be already overblown. Turkey is bound to play a key regional role and may indeed become a global actor in the years to come; its capabilities, however, are not infinite, and significant risks may lurk in their overestimation. © 2014 Taylor & Francis.Item Open Access Turkey’s republican people’s party (CHP): a longue durée analysis(Routledge, 2022-09-14) Çınar, K.; Uğur-Çınar, Meral; Açıkgöz, AliThis article employs regressive and spatial analyses to understand the correlates of the CHP’s electoral support from the first competitive elections in 1950 to the present. We find that despite some continuities in its constituency, the CHP’s voter base has changed significantly with regards to key political and social dynamics such as the Kurdish vote, effective number of parties, and urbanization. The findings give credence to the role of political leadership as well as the evolutionary capability of the party, both of which can have important implications regarding the future electoral trajectory of the party and of Turkey’s political regime.