Energy Policy Research Center (EPAM)

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Browsing Energy Policy Research Center (EPAM) by Author "Özdamar, Özgür"

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    Energy, security, and foreign policy
    (Wiley-Blackwell, 2010) Özdamar, Özgür; Denemark, R. A.; Marlin-Bennett, R.
    Next to national defense, energy security has become a primary issue for the survival and wellbeing of both developed and developing nations. A review of the literature shows how concerns for energy security acquired a new dimension after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, when the Western powers and a weakened Russia competed for the control of the Eurasia region and its energy resources. Research has also focused on how different countries have developed a variety of strategies for securing their energy supply. Energy security literature can be split into three general sections: neoclassical economics and public choice, bureaucratic politics and public administration, and political economy. Scholars have also explored regime theory, resource conflict, and the relationship between national energy security and foreign policy. In the case of the United States, four major challenges in foreign policy issues related to energy security can be identified: “building alliances, strengthening collective energy security, asserting its interests with energy suppliers, and addressing the rise of state control in energy.” These challenges require eight specific foreign policy responses from the U.S. government, two of which constitute the core relationship between energy security and foreign policy making: “candor and respect” for the producer countries, and foreign policies that promote the stability and security of suppliers.
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    Turkish-Iranian relations after the framework agreement
    (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2015) Özdamar, Özgür
    Turkey has been closely observing the Iranian nuclear program and its bilateral, regional and global implications since 2002. As one of the most important neighboring countries, Iran’s defense policy has always been an issue of great significance for Turkish policy makers. In the last one and a half decades, Turkey has been both directly and indirectly in pursuit of shaping the outcome of Iran’s nuclear program and the negotiations between Iran and the world’s major powers. For example, in 2010, Turkey and Brazil catered a nuclear fuel swap agreement designed to help Iran build a peaceful nuclear program and at the same time prevent weaponization of its nuclear capabilities. Although this initiative was considered to be highly promising in terms of what it could have provided to Iran and the rest of the world, the UN Security Council Permanent Members and Germany (P5+1) did not welcome it. The deal died shortly after Turkey and Brazil promoted it due to P5+1’s opposition. After that experience, Turkey’s direct involvement in negotiations has been rather low-key.
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    What should Turkey do to stabilize the Black Sea region
    (Sofia Platform, 2015) Özdamar, Özgür; Shirinyan, A.; Slavkova, L.
    With the end of Cold War and the attacks of 11 September 2001, the Black Sea region has been at the intersection of three global players’ respective regional points of view. These powers and their approaches are the Russian Federation and its Near Abroad Policy (NAP), the EU and its European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), and the U.S. and its Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) and the Wider Black Sea Region (WBSR) policy. The current destabilisation of the region’s status quo as has happened in the form of the Ukrainian crisis is due to EU-Russian rivalry and their approaches to the region in the forms, respectively, of the EU’s Eastern Partnership and Russia’s Near Abroad Policy. I propose four foreign policy options for Turkey to pursue stability in the Black Sea region. These are: advancement of the frameworks laid out by the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC); development of existing bilateral co-operation with Russia in sectors such as energy and as well as expanding into other possible fields such as security; inclusion of Russia in all multilateral plans of action in the Black Sea region while balancing the great power rivalries and serving as mediator in the regional conflicts. Given the low likelihood of EU membership for Turkey and international and Transatlantic institutions ..